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1 | {{expandable summary="Study: Race, Social Networks, and School Bullying"}} | ||
2 | Source: Ph.D. Dissertation, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill | ||
3 | Date of Publication: 2006 | ||
4 | Author(s): Robert Faris | ||
5 | Title: "Race, Social Networks, and School Bullying" | ||
6 | DOI: SOURCE REQUIRED | ||
7 | Subject Matter: Sociology, School Bullying, Race, Peer Networks, Adolescent Behavior | ||
8 | |||
9 | {{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}} | ||
10 | |||
11 | General Observations: | ||
12 | |||
13 | 35% of students engaged in bullying; 32% reported being bullied. | ||
14 | |||
15 | 12% experienced both roles (bully and victim). | ||
16 | |||
17 | 60% of bullies and victims reported weekly bullying. | ||
18 | |||
19 | Subgroup Analysis: | ||
20 | |||
21 | Latinos had the highest bullying outdegree (0.91) and indegree (0.86). | ||
22 | |||
23 | White students were more often victims, despite lower perpetration rates. | ||
24 | |||
25 | Girls reported higher mean indegree and outdegree than boys. | ||
26 | |||
27 | Most bullying occurred within racial and gender groups. | ||
28 | |||
29 | Other Significant Data Points: | ||
30 | |||
31 | Direct verbal abuse was most common; physical violence less so. | ||
32 | |||
33 | African-American students more often used physical bullying; White students favored indirect aggression (e.g., rumor-spreading). | ||
34 | |||
35 | Peer nominations revealed more bullying than self-reports. | ||
36 | {{/expandable}} | ||
37 | |||
38 | {{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}} | ||
39 | |||
40 | Primary Observations: | ||
41 | |||
42 | Bullying behavior aligns with two models: deviance/delinquency and “status insecurity.” | ||
43 | |||
44 | Bullies often have aggressive peers, low school/parent attachment, and depressive symptoms — but are also socially popular, engaged in extracurriculars, and from higher SES backgrounds. | ||
45 | |||
46 | Minority students gain more popularity from bullying than White peers. | ||
47 | |||
48 | Subgroup Trends: | ||
49 | |||
50 | Interracial bullying was less common than intraracial bullying. | ||
51 | |||
52 | Racial diversity increased total bullying but had no impact on interracial bullying rates. | ||
53 | |||
54 | Specific Case Analysis: | ||
55 | |||
56 | Dyadic analysis (bully-victim pairs) showed bullying was most common between socially close individuals with small differences in social status. | ||
57 | |||
58 | More attractive and physically developed teens were more likely to be bullies. | ||
59 | {{/expandable}} | ||
60 | |||
61 | {{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}} | ||
62 | |||
63 | Strengths of the Study: | ||
64 | |||
65 | Innovative network-based measure of bullying using mutual peer nominations. | ||
66 | |||
67 | Nuanced treatment of race beyond “control variable” status. | ||
68 | |||
69 | Cross-chapter integration of sociological, psychological, and criminological theories. | ||
70 | |||
71 | Limitations of the Study: | ||
72 | |||
73 | Focused on rural North Carolina; generalizability to urban or national populations is limited. | ||
74 | |||
75 | Did not analyze subsequent waves due to data unavailability. | ||
76 | |||
77 | Cultural and psychological interpretations occasionally lack rigor in operationalization. | ||
78 | {{/expandable}} | ||
79 | |||
80 | {{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}} | ||
81 | |||
82 | This dissertation is foundational for exploring racialized patterns in bullying as social and networked phenomena. | ||
83 | |||
84 | It offers quantitative backing for minority aggressor patterns, potentially aligning with broader critiques of how racial dynamics are normalized or obscured in academic framing. | ||
85 | |||
86 | Reinforces how institutional and peer-level factors can incentivize aggression, especially in high-diversity, low-cohesion environments. | ||
87 | {{/expandable}} | ||
88 | |||
89 | {{expandable summary="🔍 Racial Bias Examination"}} | ||
90 | |||
91 | The study acknowledges racial disparities in bullying rates but avoids attributing moral agency to minority aggressors. Instead, explanations defer to structural oppression narratives (e.g., “oppositional culture” or “status insecurity”). | ||
92 | |||
93 | White students’ higher victimization is noted but never problematized as a racialized pattern. | ||
94 | |||
95 | Author exhibits deference to DEI-aligned theories (e.g., “cool pose” and “acting White” penalties) while bypassing exploration of whether minority bullying may reflect targeted aggression toward White peers. | ||
96 | |||
97 | No exploration of anti-White motives or racial animus despite data showing asymmetric bullying directionality. | ||
98 | {{/expandable}} | ||
99 | |||
100 | {{expandable summary="📄 Other Wiki Pages That Should Reference This Study"}} | ||
101 | |||
102 | [[Discrimination Against White Students>>path:/bin/view/Main%20Categories/Discrimination/Discrimination%20Against%20White%20People/Discrimination%20Against%20White%20Students/]] | ||
103 | |||
104 | [[Racial Bias in School Discipline>>path:/bin/view/Main%20Categories/Education/Racial%20Bias%20in%20School%20Discipline/]] | ||
105 | |||
106 | [[Peer Victimization Trends>>path:/bin/view/Main%20Categories/Youth%20Issues/Peer%20Victimization%20Trends/]] | ||
107 | |||
108 | [[Multiracial Violence Patterns>>path:/bin/view/Main%20Categories/Race%20and%20Crime/Multiracial%20Violence%20Patterns/]] | ||
109 | {{/expandable}} | ||
110 | |||
111 | {{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}} | ||
112 | [[Download Full Study>>attach:Race__social_networks__and_school_bullying.pdf]] | ||
113 | {{/expandable}} | ||
114 | {{/expandable}} |