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Wiki source code of Studies: Media

Version 10.1 by Ryan C on 2025/06/22 20:17

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1 = Media =
2
3 {{expandable summary="Study: Interracial Couples in Ads: Do Consumers' Gender and Racial Differences Affect Their Reactions?"}}
4 **Source:** *Journal of Current Issues & Research in Advertising*
5 **Date of Publication:** *2018*
6 **Author(s):** *Subodh Bhat, Susan Myers, Marla Royne*
7 **Title:** *"Interracial Couples in Ads: Do Consumers' Gender and Racial Differences Affect Their Reactions?"*
8 **DOI:** [https://doi.org/10.1080/10641734.2018.1428249](https://doi.org/10.1080/10641734.2018.1428249)
9 **Subject Matter:** *Advertising, Interracial Relationships, Consumer Psychology*
10
11 {{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
12 1. **General Observations:**
13 - Participants reacted more negatively to ads featuring Black-White interracial couples than to ads with same-race couples.
14 - Ads with interracial couples caused **significantly more negative emotions** (Mean = 2.49) compared to same-race ads (Mean = 2.03).
15
16 2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
17 - No significant differences were found between **Black vs. White participants** or **male vs. female participants** in their reactions.
18 - Both racial groups and genders showed the same negative emotional responses to interracial ads.
19
20 3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
21 - The average attitude toward the ad (Aad) was lower for interracial ads (Mean = 3.48) compared to same-race ads (Mean = 3.92).
22 - The average attitude toward the brand (Abrand) was also lower for interracial ads (Mean = 2.93) compared to same-race ads (Mean = 3.29).
23 {{/expandable}}
24
25 {{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
26 1. **Primary Observations:**
27 - Interracial couples in ads generated **more negative emotions** and less favorable evaluations of both the ad and the brand.
28 - This effect was **independent of the participant’s race or gender.**
29
30 2. **Subgroup Trends:**
31 - Although previous studies suggested that women or Whites might react more negatively, this study found **no statistically significant gender or race differences.**
32
33 3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
34 - Negative emotional reactions included disgust, anger, irritation, contempt, and worry.
35 - The study used a controlled, fictional coffee brand ad to isolate racial dynamics without brand bias.
36 {{/expandable}}
37
38 {{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
39 1. **Strengths of the Study:**
40 - Rigorous controlled experiment with random assignment.
41 - Solid statistical reliability (Cronbach’s alpha > 0.87 for all scales).
42
43 2. **Limitations of the Study:**
44 - Student-only sample, which limits generalizability to the broader population.
45 - Only tested Black-White couples; other interracial pairings were not examined.
46 - Relied on self-reported measures without testing implicit bias.
47
48 3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
49 - Future research should explore a wider range of racial pairings (e.g., Asian-White, Hispanic-White).
50 - Testing should include diverse age groups and real consumer markets.
51 - Implicit bias testing should be incorporated to capture subconscious reactions.
52 {{/expandable}}
53
54 {{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
55 - This study provides quantitative confirmation that **interracial romantic pairings in media still face significant consumer resistance,** even among younger generations and across racial lines.
56 - It supports the critique that modern media’s push for interracial depictions may not align with audience preferences, despite corporate DEI trends.
57 - The study shows that backlash to interracial representation is measurable, not just anecdotal.
58 {{/expandable}}
59
60 {{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
61 1. Investigate **longitudinal trends** to see if resistance to interracial ads has decreased since 2018.
62 2. Explore **differences by racial pairing types** (e.g., Asian-White vs. Black-White).
63 3. Examine **implicit bias** alongside explicit attitudes to uncover potential hidden consumer prejudices.
64 {{/expandable}}
65
66 {{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
67 [[Download Full Study>>attach:bhat2018.pdf]]
68 {{/expandable}}
69 {{/expandable}}
70
71
72 {{expandable summary="Study: White Americans’ Preference for Black People in Advertising Has Increased in the Past 66 Years"}}
73 Source: Journal of Advertising Research
74 Date of Publication: 2022
75 Author(s): Peter M. Lenk, Eric T. Bradlow, Randolph E. Bucklin, Sungeun (Clara) Kim
76 Title: "White Americans’ Preference for Black People in Advertising Has Increased in the Past 66 Years: A Meta-Analysis"
77 DOI: 10.2501/JAR-2022-028
78 Subject Matter: Advertising Trends, Racial Representation, Cultural Shifts
79
80 {{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
81 **General Observations:**
82
83 Meta-analysis of 74 studies conducted between 1955 and 2020 on racial representation in advertising.
84
85 Sample included mostly White U.S. participants, with consistent tracking of their preferences.
86
87 **Subgroup Analysis:**
88
89 Found a steady increase in positive responses toward Black models/actors in ads by White viewers.
90
91 Recent decades show equal or greater preference for Black faces compared to White ones.
92
93 **Other Significant Data Points:**
94
95 Study frames this shift as a positive move toward diversity, ignoring implications for displaced White cultural representation.
96
97 No equivalent data was collected on Black or Hispanic attitudes toward White representation.
98 {{/expandable}}
99
100 {{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
101 **Primary Observations:**
102
103 White Americans have become increasingly receptive or favorable toward Black figures in advertising, even over timeframes of widespread cultural change.
104
105 These preferences held across product types, media formats, and ad genres.
106
107 **Subgroup Trends:**
108
109 Studies from the 1960s–1980s showed preference for in-group racial representation, which has dropped sharply for Whites in recent decades.
110
111 The largest positive attitudinal shift occurred between 1995–2020, coinciding with major DEI and cultural programming trends.
112
113 **Specific Case Analysis:**
114
115 The authors position this as “progress,” but offer no critical reflection on the effects of displacing White imagery from national advertising narratives.
116
117 Completely omits consumer preference studies in countries outside the U.S., especially in more homogeneous nations.
118 {{/expandable}}
119
120 {{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
121 **Strengths of the Study:**
122
123 Large-scale dataset across decades provides a clear empirical view of long-term trends.
124
125 Useful as a benchmark of how White American preferences have evolved under sociocultural pressure.
126
127 **Limitations of the Study:**
128
129 Fails to ask whether increasing diversity is consumer-driven or culturally imposed.
130
131 Ignores the potential alienation or displacement of White cultural identity from mainstream advertising.
132
133 Assumes “diverse equals better” without testing economic or emotional impact of those shifts.
134
135 **Suggestions for Improvement:**
136
137 Include non-White viewer reactions to all-White or traditional American imagery for balance.
138
139 Test whether consumers notice racial proportions or experience fatigue from overcorrection.
140
141 Explore regional or class-based variance among White viewers, not just aggregate averages.
142 {{/expandable}}
143
144 {{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
145 Demonstrates how White cultural imagery has been steadily replaced or downplayed in the public sphere.
146
147 Useful for showing how marketing professionals and researchers frame White displacement as “progress.”
148
149 Empirically supports the decline of White in-group preference — possibly due to reeducation, guilt framing, or media saturation.
150 {{/expandable}}
151
152 {{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
153 Study how overrepresentation of minorities in advertising compares to actual demographics.
154
155 Examine whether consumers feel represented or alienated by identity-based marketing.
156
157 Investigate the psychological and cultural impact of long-term demographic displacement in national advertising.
158 {{/expandable}}
159
160 {{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
161 [[Download Full Study>>attach:lenk-et-al-white-americans-preference-for-black-people-in-advertising-has-increased-in-the-past-66-years-a-meta-analysis.pdf]]
162 {{/expandable}}
163 {{/expandable}}
164
165 {{expandable summary="Study: Meta-Analysis on Mediated Contact and Prejudice"}}
166 **Source:** *Journal of Communication*
167 **Date of Publication:** *2020*
168 **Author(s):** *John A. Banas, Lauren L. Miller, David A. Braddock, Sun Kyong Lee*
169 **Title:** *"Meta-Analysis on Mediated Contact and Prejudice"*
170 **DOI:** [10.1093/joc/jqz032](https://doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqz032)
171 **Subject Matter:** *Media Psychology, Prejudice Reduction, Intergroup Relations*
172
173 {{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
174 1. **General Observations:**
175 - Aggregated **71 studies involving 27,000+ participants**.
176 - Focused on how **media portrayals of out-groups (primarily minorities)** affect attitudes among dominant in-groups (i.e., Whites).
177
178 2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
179 - **Fictional entertainment** had stronger effects than news.
180 - **Positive portrayals of minorities** correlated with significant reductions in “prejudice”.
181
182 3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
183 - Effects were stronger when minority characters were portrayed as **warm, competent, and morally relatable**.
184 - Contact was more effective when it mimicked **face-to-face friendship narratives**.
185 {{/expandable}}
186
187 {{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
188 1. **Primary Observations:**
189 - Media is a **powerful tool for shaping racial attitudes**, capable of reducing “prejudice” without real-world contact.
190 - **Repeated exposure** to positive portrayals of minorities led to increased acceptance and reduced negative bias.
191
192 2. **Subgroup Trends:**
193 - **White participants** were the primary targets of reconditioning.
194 - Minority participants were not studied in terms of **prejudice against Whites**.
195
196 3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
197 - “Parasocial” relationships with minority characters (TV/movie exposure) had comparable psychological effects to actual friendships.
198 - Media framing functioned as a **top-down mechanism for social engineering**, not just passive reflection of society.
199 {{/expandable}}
200
201 {{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
202 1. **Strengths of the Study:**
203 - High-quality quantitative meta-analysis with clear design and robust statistical handling.
204 - Acknowledges **media’s ability to alter long-held social beliefs** without physical contact.
205
206 2. **Limitations of the Study:**
207 - Only defines “prejudice” as **negative attitudes from Whites toward minorities** — no exploration of anti-White media narratives or bias.
208 - Ignores the effects of **overexposure to minority portrayals** on cultural alienation or backlash.
209 - Assumes **assimilation into DEI norms is inherently positive**, and any reluctance to accept them is “prejudice”.
210
211 3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
212 - Study reciprocal dynamics — how **minority media portrayals impact attitudes toward Whites**.
213 - Investigate whether constant valorization of minorities leads to **resentment, guilt, or political disengagement** among White viewers.
214 - Analyze **media saturation effects**, especially in multicultural propaganda and corporate DEI messaging.
215 {{/expandable}}
216
217 {{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
218 - Provides **direct evidence** that media is being used to **reshape racial attitudes** through emotional, parasocial contact.
219 - Reinforces concern that **“tolerance” is engineered via asymmetric emotional exposure**, not organic consensus.
220 - Useful for documenting how **Whiteness is often treated as a bias to be corrected**, not a culture to be respected.
221 {{/expandable}}
222
223 {{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
224 1. Investigate **reverse parasocial effects** — how negative portrayals of White men affect self-perception and mental health.
225 2. Study how **mass entertainment normalizes demographic shifts** and silences native concerns.
226 3. Compare effects of **Western vs. non-Western media systems** in promoting diversity narratives. 
227 {{/expandable}}
228
229 {{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
230 [[Download Full Study>>attach:Banas et al. - 2020 - Meta-Analysis on Mediated Contact and Prejudice.pdf]]
231 {{/expandable}}
232 {{/expandable}}
233
234 {{expandable summary="
235
236 Study: Cultural Voyeurism – A New Framework for Understanding Race, Ethnicity, and Mediated Intergroup Interaction"}}
237 **Source:** *Journal of Communication*
238 **Date of Publication:** *2018*
239 **Author(s):** *Osei Appiah*
240 **Title:** *"Cultural Voyeurism: A New Framework for Understanding Race, Ethnicity, and Mediated Intergroup Interaction"*
241 **DOI:** [https://doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqx021](https://doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqx021)
242 **Subject Matter:** *Intergroup contact, racial stereotypes, media, identity formation*
243
244 {{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
245 1. **No empirical dataset** — this is a theoretical framework paper, not a quantitative study.
246 2. **Heavily cites prior empirical work**, including:
247 - Czopp & Monteith (2006) on “complimentary stereotypes”
248 - Armstrong et al. (1992), Entman & Rojecki (2000) on media distortion of race
249 - Pettigrew et al. (2011) on intergroup contact
250
251 3. **Statistical implications:** Repeatedly emphasizes the role of media in shaping racial beliefs when direct interracial contact is absent.
252 {{/expandable}}
253
254 {{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
255 1. **Primary Observations:**
256 - Defines *cultural voyeurism* as the process of using media to observe and learn about other racial/ethnic groups.
257 - Claims it can both reinforce stereotypes and reduce prejudice depending on context.
258 - Suggests that Whites’ fascination with Black culture (e.g., hip-hop, athleticism) is a driver of empathy and improved race relations.
259
260 2. **Subgroup Trends:**
261 - White youth are singled out as cultural voyeurs increasingly emulating Black identity for social cachet (“coolness”).
262 - Positive media portrayals of Blacks (e.g., in entertainment) said to reduce racial bias.
263
264 3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
265 - No case study provided, but mentions “Duck Dynasty” and “hip-hop culture” as stereotyped White/Black identity constructs respectively.
266 {{/expandable}}
267
268 {{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
269 1. **Strengths of the Study:**
270 - Recognizes media’s dual role in shaping intergroup perception.
271 - Accurately captures the obsession with racial “coolness” as a social phenomenon.
272
273 2. **Limitations of the Study:**
274 - Frames White identification with Black culture as inherently progressive, ignoring issues of **anti-White displacement**.
275 - Treats *positive stereotypes of minorities* (e.g., athleticism, musicality) as meaningful substitutes for structural reality.
276 - Lacks any meaningful inquiry into *reverse cultural voyeurism* (i.e., non-Whites voyeuristically consuming and appropriating White identity or values).
277
278 3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
279 - Should confront whether “cultural voyeurism” ultimately erodes group boundaries and majority cultural integrity.
280 - Needs empirical validation of claims.
281 - Avoids uncomfortable realities about how White identity is increasingly stigmatized in media — which undermines genuine empathy or parity.
282 {{/expandable}}
283
284 {{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
285 - Helps explain how **media conditioning** primes young Whites to *admire, emulate, and eventually submit* to Black cultural dominance.
286 - Directly supports the narrative that **pro-White identity is systematically delegitimized**, while pro-Black identity is commodified and glamorized — then sold back to White youth.
287 - Useful in chapters/sections covering cultural appropriation *in reverse* — not by Whites, but **of Whiteness** by outsiders for critique and exploitation.
288 {{/expandable}}
289
290 {{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
291 1. Are there longitudinal studies showing cultural voyeurism weakening in-group preference among Whites?
292 2. Does this phenomenon correspond to decreased fertility, civic participation, or political alignment with group interest?
293 3. How do non-Western societies handle voyeuristic consumption of majority culture — do they permit or punish it?
294 {{/expandable}}
295
296 {{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
297 [[Download Full Study>>attach:Cultural Voyeurism A New Framework for Understanding Race, Ethnicity, and Mediated Intergroup Intera.pdf]]
298 {{/expandable}}
299 {{/expandable}}

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