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Content
... ... @@ -647,440 +647,7 @@
647 647  
648 648  = Dating =
649 649  
650 -{{expandable summary="Study: Positioning Multiraciality in Cyberspace – Treatment of Multiracial Daters in an Online Dating Website"}}
651 -**Source:** *Social Forces*
652 -**Date of Publication:** *2016*
653 -**Author(s):** *Stephanie M. Curington, Kevin K. Anderson, and Jennifer Glass*
654 -**Title:** *"Positioning Multiraciality in Cyberspace: Treatment of Multiracial Daters in an Online Dating Website"*
655 -**DOI:** [https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/sow007](https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/sow007)
656 -**Subject Matter:** *Race and Dating, Multiracial Identity, Online Behavior*
657 -
658 -{{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
659 -1. **General Observations:**
660 - - Data drawn from **over 1 million messaging records** from an online dating site.
661 - - Focused on how **monoracial users** (especially Whites) interact with **multiracial daters**.
662 -
663 -2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
664 - - **Multiracial Black/White and Asian/White women** received **fewer responses from White men** than their monoracial counterparts.
665 - - White daters showed **stronger preferences for monoracial identities**, particularly **own-race pairings**.
666 -
667 -3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
668 - - **Multiracial men** fared worse than multiracial women across most pairings.
669 - - **Latina/White and Asian/White multiracial women** were **more positively received by Black and Hispanic men**.
670 -{{/expandable}}
671 -
672 -{{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
673 -1. **Primary Observations:**
674 - - White users demonstrated a clear pattern of **in-group preference**, preferring other White users (monoracial or partially White) over more ambiguous multiracial identities.
675 - - Authors suggest this reflects **"boundary-maintaining behavior"** and **"latent racial bias"**.
676 -
677 -2. **Subgroup Trends:**
678 - - **Multiracial women with partial minority backgrounds** were more acceptable to non-White men than White men.
679 - - Multiracial daters were **often treated as ambiguous or “less desirable”** in ways the authors frame as **resistance to racial integration**.
680 -
681 -3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
682 - - The most rejected group? **Black/White multiracial men**, especially by **White women**, which the authors do not frame as bias in the same way.
683 - - The study shows **asymmetrical concern** — when Whites select inwardly, it's seen as racial boundary policing; when minorities do it, it's not pathologized.
684 -{{/expandable}}
685 -
686 -{{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
687 -1. **Strengths of the Study:**
688 - - Large, real-world dataset gives useful behavioral insight into **racial preferences in dating**.
689 - - Raises legitimate questions about **how race, desire, and group identity intersect**.
690 -
691 -2. **Limitations of the Study:**
692 - - Frames **normal in-group preference among Whites as "resistance to multiraciality"**, rather than neutral human patterning.
693 - - Ignores **similar or stronger in-group preference among Black and Asian users**, which could indicate *universal patterns*, not White exceptionalism.
694 - - Uses CRT framing to subtly **morally indict Whites for preferring Whites**, while exempting other groups.
695 -
696 -3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
697 - - Treat all in-group preference equally across racial groups — not just when Whites do it.
698 - - Disaggregate by age, education, and regional variation to control for confounds.
699 - - Consider whether **multiracial identity is ambiguous** by nature and if that ambiguity reduces clarity of signals in dating.
700 -{{/expandable}}
701 -
702 -{{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
703 -- Provides a data point in the **ongoing academic effort to pathologize White selectiveness**, even in private, personal domains like dating.
704 -- Demonstrates how **racial preferences are only considered “problematic” when they preserve White group boundaries**.
705 -- Supports analysis of **how DEI-aligned narratives seek to dissolve in-group loyalty under the guise of openness and inclusion**.
706 -{{/expandable}}
707 -
708 -{{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
709 -1. Investigate how **media and dating platforms reinforce multiracialism as normative** despite evidence of natural in-group selection.
710 -2. Study the **psychological effects of being told your preferences are morally wrong if you're White**.
711 -3. Explore how **multiracial identities are strategically framed** depending on political or cultural goals — exoticization, integration, or guilt projection.
712 -{{/expandable}}
713 -
714 -{{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
715 -[[Download Full Study>>attach:Curington et al. - Positioning Multiraciality in Cyberspace Treatment of Multiracial Daters in an Online Dating Websit.pdf]]
716 -{{/expandable}}
717 -{{/expandable}}
718 -
719 -{{expandable summary="
720 -
721 -
722 -Study: “A Little More Ghetto, a Little Less Cultured”: Are There Racial Stereotypes about Interracial Daters?"}}
723 -**Source:** *Sociology of Race and Ethnicity*
724 -**Date of Publication:** *2020*
725 -**Author(s):** *Andrew R. Flores and Ariela Schachter*
726 -**Title:** *"“A Little More Ghetto, a Little Less Cultured”: Are There Racial Stereotypes about Interracial Daters?"*
727 -**DOI:** [10.1177/2332649219871232](https://doi.org/10.1177/2332649219871232)
728 -**Subject Matter:** *Interracial Dating, Racial Stereotyping, Online Behavior*
729 -
730 -{{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
731 -1. **General Observations:**
732 - - Used **experimental survey data** from a nationally representative sample (N = 1,070).
733 - - Participants evaluated hypothetical dating profiles of White individuals who expressed interest in Black, Latino, or Asian partners.
734 -
735 -2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
736 - - **White men interested in Black women** were rated as **less cultured, more aggressive, and lower class**.
737 - - White women interested in Black men were **viewed as less intelligent and more promiscuous**.
738 - - **Interest in Asian partners** did not carry the same negative stereotypes; in some cases, it improved perceived desirability.
739 -
740 -3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
741 - - **Latino partners** were seen more neutrally, though men who dated them were seen as more “dominant.”
742 - - Across the board, **Whites who dated within their race were viewed most favorably**.
743 -{{/expandable}}
744 -
745 -{{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
746 -1. **Primary Observations:**
747 - - Interracial daters—especially those dating Black individuals—are **subject to negative assumptions** about intelligence, class, and morality.
748 - - Stereotypes persist even in **hypothetical online contexts**, showing deep cultural associations.
749 -
750 -2. **Subgroup Trends:**
751 - - White men who prefer Black women face **masculinity-linked stigma**, often tied to “urban” or “ghetto” tropes.
752 - - White women dating Black men are **framed as sexually deviant or socially undesirable**, particularly by other Whites.
753 -
754 -3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
755 - - The most negatively perceived pairing was **White woman/Black man**, reinforcing long-standing cultural anxieties.
756 - - Respondents judged interracial daters not just by race but by **projected cultural assimilation or rejection**.
757 -{{/expandable}}
758 -
759 -{{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
760 -1. **Strengths of the Study:**
761 - - Reveals **latent racial boundaries** in contemporary dating preferences.
762 - - Uses **controlled experimental design** to expose socially unacceptable but real biases.
763 -
764 -2. **Limitations of the Study:**
765 - - Relies on **self-reported reactions to profiles**, not real-world dating behavior.
766 - - **Fails to analyze anti-White framing** in the assumptions about White participants who prefer other races.
767 - - Assumes stigma is irrational without investigating **rational in-group preference or cultural concerns**.
768 -
769 -3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
770 - - Include **reverse scenarios** (e.g., Black or Latino individuals expressing preference for Whites).
771 - - Examine how **media portrayal of interracial couples** influences perception and desirability.
772 - - Account for **class and education overlaps** that could explain perceived traits.
773 -{{/expandable}}
774 -
775 -{{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
776 -- Highlights how **Whites who date outside their race—particularly with Blacks—are pathologized**, even within their own community.
777 -- Shows that **Whiteness is penalized** when paired with non-Whiteness, reinforcing social costs for racial mixing.
778 -- Useful for understanding **how stigma around interracial relationships is unevenly applied**, with anti-White moral overtones.
779 -{{/expandable}}
780 -
781 -{{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
782 -1. Study how **in-group dating preferences differ across races** and are morally interpreted.
783 -2. Investigate how **class and education** affect perceptions of interracial relationships.
784 -3. Examine whether **Whites are disproportionately judged** when deviating from group norms vs. other races.
785 -{{/expandable}}
786 -
787 -{{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
788 -[[Download Full Study>>attach:10.1177_2332649219871232.pdf]]
789 -{{/expandable}}
790 -{{/expandable}}
791 -
792 -{{expandable summary="
793 -
794 -
795 -Study: E Pluribus, Pauciores (Out of Many, Fewer): Diversity and Birth Rates"}}
796 -**Source:** *National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER)*
797 -**Date of Publication:** *2024*
798 -**Author(s):** *Umit Gurun, Daniel Solomon*
799 -**Title:** *"E Pluribus, Pauciores (Out of Many, Fewer): Diversity and Birth Rates"*
800 -**DOI:** [10.3386/w31978](https://doi.org/10.3386/w31978)
801 -**Subject Matter:** *Demography, Social Cohesion, Diversity Effects on Fertility*
802 -
803 -{{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
804 -1. **General Observations:**
805 - - Used large-scale demographic, economic, and census data across **1,800+ U.S. counties**.
806 - - Found a **strong negative correlation between local diversity and White fertility rates**.
807 - - Quantified impact: a 1 SD increase in ethnic diversity leads to a **4–6% drop in birth rates**.
808 -
809 -2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
810 - - Decline most pronounced among **non-Hispanic Whites**, especially in suburban and semi-urban areas.
811 - - **No significant birth rate drop observed among Hispanic or Black populations** under the same conditions.
812 -
813 -3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
814 - - Diversity increases linked to **reduced marriage rates**, especially among Whites.
815 - - Authors suggest **“erosion of social cohesion and trust”** as mediating factors.
816 -{{/expandable}}
817 -
818 -{{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
819 -1. **Primary Observations:**
820 - - Ethnic diversity significantly **reduces total fertility rates**, independent of economic or educational variables.
821 - - **Social fragmentation** and perceived dissimilarity drive fertility suppression.
822 -
823 -2. **Subgroup Trends:**
824 - - White populations respond to diversity with lower family formation.
825 - - **Cultural distance** and loss of shared norms are possible causes.
826 -
827 -3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
828 - - High-diversity metro areas saw steepest declines in White birth rates over the past two decades.
829 - - Study challenges mainstream assumptions that diversity has neutral or positive demographic effects.
830 -{{/expandable}}
831 -
832 -{{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
833 -1. **Strengths of the Study:**
834 - - Offers **quantitative backing for claims long treated as taboo** in public discourse.
835 - - Applies **robust statistical methods** and cross-validates with multiple data sources.
836 -
837 -2. **Limitations of the Study:**
838 - - Avoids discussing **racial preference, ethnic tension, or cultural conflict** explicitly.
839 - - Authors stop short of acknowledging **the demographic replacement implication** of sustained low White fertility.
840 -
841 -3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
842 - - Include **qualitative data on reasons for delayed or avoided parenthood** among Whites in diverse areas.
843 - - Examine **media messaging and policy environments** that could accelerate these trends.
844 -{{/expandable}}
845 -
846 -{{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
847 -- Confirms a **central premise** of the White demographic decline thesis.
848 -- Demonstrates that **diversity is not neutral** but **functionally suppressive to White reproduction**.
849 -- Offers solid **empirical support against the utopian assumptions** of multiculturalism.
850 -{{/expandable}}
851 -
852 -{{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
853 -1. Examine **fertility effects of diversity in European countries** experiencing immigration-driven change.
854 -2. Study **how school demographics and crime perception** affect reproductive decision-making.
855 -3. Explore **policy frameworks that support demographic stability for founding populations**.
856 -{{/expandable}}
857 -
858 -{{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
859 -[[Download Full Study>>attach:12.Gurun_Solomon_Diversity_BirthRates.pdf]]
860 -{{/expandable}}
861 -{{/expandable}}
862 -
863 -{{expandable summary="
864 -
865 -
866 -Study: The White Man’s Burden: Gonzo Pornography and the Construction of Black Masculinity"}}
867 -**Source:** *Porn Studies*
868 -**Date of Publication:** *2015*
869 -**Author(s):** *Noah Tsika*
870 -**Title:** *"The White Man’s Burden: Gonzo Pornography and the Construction of Black Masculinity"*
871 -**DOI:** [10.1080/23268743.2015.1025389](https://doi.org/10.1080/23268743.2015.1025389)
872 -**Subject Matter:** *Pornography Studies, Race and Sexuality, Cultural Critique*
873 -
874 -{{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
875 -1. **General Observations:**
876 - - This is a **qualitative content analysis** of gonzo pornography, particularly interracial porn involving Black men and White women.
877 - - The author reviews **select films, not a dataset**, using them to extrapolate broad cultural claims about race and sexuality.
878 -
879 -2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
880 - - Claims that **interracial porn “others” and dehumanizes Black men**, yet selectively **frames Black male sexual aggression as liberatory**.
881 - - The author accuses White male consumers of **fetishizing Black men** as both threats and tools for their own “colonial guilt.”
882 -
883 -3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
884 - - No empirical evidence, just interpretive readings of scenes and film dialogue.
885 - - Repeatedly criticizes **White directors and actors** as complicit in perpetuating “White supremacy through porn.”
886 -{{/expandable}}
887 -
888 -{{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
889 -1. **Primary Observations:**
890 - - Argues that **gonzo interracial porn functions as racial propaganda**, reinforcing White guilt while commodifying Black masculinity.
891 - - Portrays White women as willing participants in a fantasy of racial domination that allegedly “liberates” Black men.
892 -
893 -2. **Subgroup Trends:**
894 - - White male viewers are pathologized as both sexually repressed and voyeuristically complicit in anti-Black racism.
895 - - Black male performers are framed as both victims of racial commodification and **agents of resistance through hypersexuality**.
896 -
897 -3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
898 - - Cites scenes where Black male actors degrade or dominate White women as **“transgressive acts” that destabilize White power**, rather than examples of racial hostility or objectification.
899 - - The narrative treats **racially charged sexual violence as deconstructive**, only when it reverses traditional racial dynamics.
900 -{{/expandable}}
901 -
902 -{{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
903 -1. **Strengths of the Study:**
904 - - Useful in showcasing how **critical race theory invades even the most apolitical domains** (porn consumption) and turns them into race war battlegrounds.
905 - - Offers insight into how **White heterosexuality is recoded as colonialism** in activist academia.
906 -
907 -2. **Limitations of the Study:**
908 - - **No statistical basis**, relies entirely on biased interpretive analysis of fringe media.
909 - - Presumes **intent and audience motivation** without surveys, viewership data, or cross-cultural comparison.
910 - - Treats Black aggression as empowering and White sexuality as inherently oppressive — a double standard.
911 -
912 -3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
913 - - Include comparative data on how different racial groups are portrayed in pornography across genres.
914 - - Analyze how **minority-run porn studios frame interracial themes** — not just White-directed media.
915 - - Address how racial fetishization **harms all groups**, not just Black men.
916 -{{/expandable}}
917 -
918 -{{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
919 -- Exemplifies how **racialized sexual narratives are reinterpreted to indict White identity**, even in consumer entertainment.
920 -- Shows how **DEI and CRT frameworks are applied to pornographic material** to pathologize White maleness while sanctifying non-White hypermasculinity.
921 -- Highlights the **academic bias that treats transgressive content as empowering when it serves anti-White narratives**.
922 -{{/expandable}}
923 -
924 -{{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
925 -1. Study how **interracial porn narratives differ when produced by non-White vs. White directors**.
926 -2. Examine **how racial power is portrayed in same-sex vs. heterosexual interracial porn**.
927 -3. Investigate whether the **fetishization of Black masculinity fuels unrealistic expectations and destructive stereotypes** for both Black and White men.
928 -{{/expandable}}
929 -
930 -{{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
931 -[[Download Full Study>>attach:Dinest - The White Man's Burden Gonzo Pornography and the Construction of Black Masculinity.pdf]]
932 -{{/expandable}}
933 -{{/expandable}}
934 -
935 -{{expandable summary="
936 -
937 -
938 -Study: Gendered Racial Exclusion Among White Internet Daters"}}
939 -**Source:** *Social Science Research*
940 -**Date of Publication:** *2009*
941 -**Author(s):** *Cynthia Feliciano, Belinda Robnett, Golnaz Komaie*
942 -**Title:** *"Gendered Racial Exclusion Among White Internet Daters"*
943 -**DOI:** [10.1016/j.ssresearch.2009.04.004](https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2009.04.004)
944 -**Subject Matter:** *Online Dating, Racial Preferences, CRT Framing of White Intimacy*
945 -
946 -{{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
947 -1. **General Observations:**
948 - - Based on data from **Love@aol.com**, analyzing **over 6,000 profiles** from California.
949 - - The study investigated **racial preferences listed explicitly** in dating profiles.
950 -
951 -2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
952 - - **White women were least likely to express openness to interracial dating**, particularly with Black and Asian men.
953 - - **White men also showed exclusion**, but were more open than White women.
954 -
955 -3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
956 - - The authors labeled preference for one’s own race as **“racial exclusion”**.
957 - - Profiles by non-White users expressing same-race preferences were **not similarly problematized**.
958 -{{/expandable}}
959 -
960 -{{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
961 -1. **Primary Observations:**
962 - - **White in-group preference was framed as discriminatory**, regardless of intent or context.
963 - - Dating preferences were interpreted as a **“reinforcement of racial hierarchies”**.
964 -
965 -2. **Subgroup Trends:**
966 - - The study suggested **White women’s selectivity** stemmed from **cultural and structural advantages**, implying racial gatekeeping.
967 - - Did not critically examine **non-White preferences** for their own race.
968 -
969 -3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
970 - - Highlighted that **Latina and Asian women were more open to White men** than to men of their own ethnicity, which was not treated as exclusionary.
971 - - **No racial preference was criticized except when it protected White boundaries.**
972 -{{/expandable}}
973 -
974 -{{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
975 -1. **Strengths of the Study:**
976 - - Large dataset from real-world dating profiles.
977 - - Provides rare insight into **gendered patterns of racial preference**.
978 -
979 -2. **Limitations of the Study:**
980 - - **Frames personal preference as political discrimination** when expressed by White users.
981 - - **Fails to control for cultural compatibility, attraction patterns, or religious values.**
982 - - **Double standard** in analysis — **non-White selectivity is ignored or justified.**
983 -
984 -3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
985 - - Should distinguish **racial animus from in-group preference**.
986 - - Include **psychological, aesthetic, and cultural compatibility data**.
987 - - Apply **equal critical lens to all racial groups**, not just Whites.
988 -{{/expandable}}
989 -
990 -{{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
991 -- Reinforces how CRT-aligned research pathologizes **White in-group dating preferences**.
992 -- Supports the claim that **White intimacy boundaries are uniquely scrutinized** and politicized.
993 -- Demonstrates how even non-political behavior (e.g., dating) is racialized when it involves Whites.
994 -{{/expandable}}
995 -
996 -{{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
997 -1. Study how **dating preferences vary by upbringing, media influence, and culture**, not just race.
998 -2. Analyze **racial preferences across all groups** with equal rigor and skepticism.
999 -3. Examine the **mental health impact of stigmatizing in-group preference** among Whites.
1000 -{{/expandable}}
1001 -
1002 -{{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
1003 -[[Download Full Study>>attach:10.1016_j.ssresearch.2009.04.004.pdf]]
1004 -{{/expandable}}
1005 -{{/expandable}}
1006 -
1007 -{{expandable summary="
1008 -
1009 -
1010 -Study: Black Penis and the Demoralization of the Western World"}}
1011 -**Source:** *Journal of European Psychoanalysis*
1012 -**Date of Publication:** *2009*
1013 -**Author(s):** *Kristen Fink* *Jewish*))
1014 -**Title:** *"Black Penis and the Demoralization of the Western World: Sexual relationships between black men and white women as a cause of decline"*
1015 -**DOI:** *Unavailable – Psychoanalytic essay publication*
1016 -**Subject Matter:** *Race and Sexuality, Psychoanalysis, Cultural Demoralization*
1017 -
1018 -{{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
1019 -1. **General Observations:**
1020 - - This is a **psychoanalytic essay**, not an empirical study.
1021 - - Uses **Freudian and Lacanian theory** to explore symbolic meanings of interracial sex.
1022 - - Frames **Black male–White female pairings** as psychologically disruptive to the White male ego and Western civilization.
1023 -
1024 -2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
1025 - - Positions **Black men as symbolic rivals** to emasculated Western (White) men.
1026 - - **White women’s interracial attraction** is framed as rebellion or rejection of Western order.
1027 -
1028 -3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
1029 - - The essay proposes that **sexual representation in media** is demoralizing to White culture.
1030 - - Uses **high theory language** to justify what is ultimately an anti-White cultural narrative.
1031 -{{/expandable}}
1032 -
1033 -{{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
1034 -1. **Primary Observations:**
1035 - - **Interracial sexual dynamics** are framed as central to **Western decline**.
1036 - - **White masculinity is portrayed as passive, obsolete, or neurotic** in contrast to hypermasculinized Blackness.
1037 -
1038 -2. **Subgroup Trends:**
1039 - - Suggests White men internalize emasculation through exposure to interracial symbolism.
1040 - - Sees **cultural loss of confidence** in White society as stemming from racial-sexual symbolism.
1041 -
1042 -3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
1043 - - Analyzes media tropes (e.g., interracial porn, pop culture) through the lens of psychoanalytic guilt and transgression.
1044 - - Never critiques the **ideological project of glorifying Blackness at the expense of White identity**.
1045 -{{/expandable}}
1046 -
1047 -{{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
1048 -1. **Strengths of the Study:**
1049 - - Reveals how **elite academic disciplines like psychoanalysis** are used to mask anti-White narratives in esoteric jargon.
1050 - - Serves as **ideological evidence** of demoralization tactics embedded in cultural theory.
1051 -
1052 -2. **Limitations of the Study:**
1053 - - No empirical data, surveys, or statistical analysis — purely speculative.
1054 - - **Does not critique hypersexualization of Black men** or the dehumanizing aspects of the fetish.
1055 - - Assumes **White masculinity must passively accept its symbolic erasure** as psychoanalytically “natural.”
1056 -
1057 -3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
1058 - - Include **perspectives from White men and women** on how these portrayals affect their psychological well-being.
1059 - - Disentangle psychoanalytic theory from **racial guilt ideology**.
1060 - - Explore **mutual respect-based frameworks** for interracial dynamics rather than ones rooted in humiliation or power symbolism.
1061 -{{/expandable}}
1062 -
1063 -{{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
1064 -- Illustrates how **race, sex, and culture are manipulated to undermine White self-perception**.
1065 -- Demonstrates how **academic elites frame White decline as psychologically necessary or deserved**.
1066 -- Provides ideological background for modern media trends that eroticize racial power imbalance.
1067 -{{/expandable}}
1068 -
1069 -{{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
1070 -1. Analyze how psychoanalytic language is used to **justify racial inversion in cultural dominance**.
1071 -2. Examine the **role of pornography in demoralization campaigns** targeting White men.
1072 -3. Explore how elite journals create **ideological cover for overt anti-White sentiment**.
1073 -{{/expandable}}
1074 -
1075 -{{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
1076 -[[Download Full Study>>attach:10.Fink_Black_Penis_Demoralization.pdf]]
1077 -{{/expandable}}
1078 -{{/expandable}}
1079 -
1080 -{{expandable summary="
1081 -
1082 -
1083 -Study: Trends in Frequency of Sexual Activity and Number of Sexual Partners Among Adults Aged 18 to 44 Years in the US, 2000-2018"}}
650 +{{expandable summary="Study: Trends in Frequency of Sexual Activity and Number of Sexual Partners Among Adults Aged 18 to 44 Years in the US, 2000-2018"}}
1084 1084  **Source:** *JAMA Network Open*
1085 1085  **Date of Publication:** *2020*
1086 1086  **Author(s):** *Ueda P, Mercer CH, Ghaznavi C, Herbenick D.*
... ... @@ -1555,283 +1555,133 @@
1555 1555  
1556 1556  = Whiteness & White Guilt =
1557 1557  
1558 -{{expandable summary="Study: Reducing Implicit Racial Preferences: I. A Comparative Investigation of 17 Interventions"}}
1559 -**Source:** *Psychological Science*
1560 -**Date of Publication:** *2014*
1561 -**Author(s):** *Caleb E. Lai, Anthony G. Greenwald, et al.*
1562 -**Title:** *"Reducing Implicit Racial Preferences: I. A Comparative Investigation of 17 Interventions"*
1563 -**DOI:** [10.1177/0956797614535812](https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797614535812)
1564 -**Subject Matter:** *Implicit Bias, Racial Psychology, Psychological Conditioning*
1125 +{{expandable summary="Study: Segregation, Innocence, and Protection: The Institutional Conditions That Maintain Whiteness in College Sports"}}
1126 +**Source:** *Journal of Diversity in Higher Education*
1127 +**Date of Publication:** *2019*
1128 +**Author(s):** *Kirsten Hextrum*
1129 +**Title:** *"Segregation, Innocence, and Protection: The Institutional Conditions That Maintain Whiteness in College Sports"*
1130 +**DOI:** [10.1037/dhe0000140](https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000140)
1131 +**Subject Matter:** *Race and Sports, Higher Education, Institutional Racism*
1565 1565  
1566 1566  {{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
1567 1567  1. **General Observations:**
1568 - - Tested **17 different interventions** across **6,321 participants**, all measured via IAT (Implicit Association Test).
1569 - - Focused exclusively on reducing **pro-White, anti-Black preferences** no reciprocal testing on anti-White bias.
1135 + - Analyzed **47 college athlete narratives** to explore racial disparities in non-revenue sports.
1136 + - Found three interrelated themes: **racial segregation, racial innocence, and racial protection**.
1570 1570  
1571 1571  2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
1572 - - Educational and exposure-based interventions (e.g., multiculturalism, egalitarian messaging) failed to reduce bias significantly.
1573 - - Most effective short-term results came from **trauma-based or emotionally coercive interventions**.
1139 + - **Predominantly white sports programs** reinforce racial hierarchies in college athletics.
1140 + - **Recruitment policies favor white athletes** from affluent, suburban backgrounds.
1574 1574  
1575 1575  3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
1576 - - The **"Black hero" intervention**, where participants imagined being violently attacked by a White man and rescued by a Black man, was among the most effective.
1577 - - Effects of even the most extreme interventions **dissipated within 24–72 hours**, with no long-term behavioral change.
1143 + - White athletes are **socialized to remain unaware of racial privilege** in their athletic careers.
1144 + - Media and institutional narratives protect white athletes from discussions on race and systemic inequities.
1578 1578  {{/expandable}}
1579 1579  
1580 1580  {{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
1581 1581  1. **Primary Observations:**
1582 - - The interventions that produced the most dramatic IAT changes used **emotionally graphic narratives** depicting Whites as violent aggressors and Blacks as saviors.
1583 - - Merely showing positive Black images or promoting egalitarian values had minimal effect on implicit associations.
1149 + - Colleges **actively recruit white athletes** from majority-white communities.
1150 + - Institutional policies **uphold whiteness** by failing to challenge racial biases in recruitment and team culture.
1584 1584  
1585 1585  2. **Subgroup Trends:**
1586 - - In the **"Black hero" condition**, participants were asked to imagine being physically beaten by a White person and then rescued by a Black person — an intentionally vivid and disturbing scenario.
1587 - - The **"Black victim" intervention** relied on emotionally shocking imagery of anti-Black violence (e.g., lynching) to induce guilt and disrupt positive associations with Whiteness.
1153 + - **White athletes show limited awareness** of their racial advantage in sports.
1154 + - **Black athletes are overrepresented** in revenue-generating sports but underrepresented in non-revenue teams.
1588 1588  
1589 1589  3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
1590 - - None of the scenarios reversed the framing (e.g., Black aggressor/White victim), confirming the ideological goal was **to degrade White identity**, not merely reduce bias.
1591 - - The study was **cited by the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP)** to justify DEI-aligned policy recommendations.
1157 + - Examines **how sports serve as a mechanism for maintaining racial privilege** in higher education.
1158 + - Discusses the **role of athletics in reinforcing systemic segregation and exclusion**.
1592 1592  {{/expandable}}
1593 1593  
1594 1594  {{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
1595 1595  1. **Strengths of the Study:**
1596 - - Large sample size and systematic comparison across diverse intervention types.
1597 - - Clearly shows that **implicit preference is resilient** and not easily changed by education or exposure alone.
1163 + - **Comprehensive qualitative analysis** of race in college sports.
1164 + - Examines **institutional conditions** that sustain racial disparities in athletics.
1598 1598  
1599 1599  2. **Limitations of the Study:**
1600 - - The most “effective” methods **relied on emotional manipulation, not persuasion or evidence**.
1601 - - Assumes **natural in-group preference is pathological** when expressed by White subjects but makes no effort to test other groups.
1602 - - **Zero attention to pro-Black or anti-White bias** — only White attitudes are pathologized.
1167 + - Focuses primarily on **Division I non-revenue sports**, limiting generalizability to other divisions.
1168 + - Lacks extensive **quantitative data on racial demographics** in college athletics.
1603 1603  
1604 1604  3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
1605 - - Test the **psychological harm** and ethical implications of using graphic racial trauma to coerce attitude change.
1606 - - Include interventions that **strengthen ingroup empathy** without demonizing other groups.
1607 - - Disaggregate bias by **class, region, and individual experience**, rather than racially reducing all bias to “Whiteness.”
1171 + - Future research should **compare recruitment policies across different sports and divisions**.
1172 + - Investigate **how athletic scholarships contribute to racial inequities in higher education**.
1608 1608  {{/expandable}}
1609 1609  
1610 1610  {{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
1611 -- Provides direct evidence that **DEI-style implicit bias training** is based on emotionally abusive and **anti-White psychological framing**.
1612 -- Shows how **social science selectively targets Whites for attitude correction**, often using fictionalized racial trauma scenarios.
1613 -- Demonstrates that even extreme interventions **fail to achieve long-term change**, undermining the scientific justification for such policies.
1176 +- Provides evidence of **systemic racial biases** in college sports recruitment.
1177 +- Highlights **how institutional policies protect whiteness** in non-revenue athletics.
1178 +- Supports research on **diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) efforts in sports and education**.
1614 1614  {{/expandable}}
1615 1615  
1616 1616  {{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
1617 -1. Investigate **implicit bias training outcomes** in real-world institutional settings.
1618 -2. Study **the ethical limits of psychological reprogramming** in DEI policies.
1619 -3. Explore **natural ingroup preference across all races** using morally neutral frameworks. 
1182 +1. Investigate how **racial stereotypes influence college athlete recruitment**.
1183 +2. Examine **the role of media in shaping public perceptions of race in sports**.
1184 +3. Explore **policy reforms to increase racial diversity in non-revenue sports**.
1620 1620  {{/expandable}}
1621 1621  
1622 1622  {{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
1623 -[[Download Full Study>>attach:lai2014.pdf]]
1624 -{{/expandable}}
1625 -{{/expandable}}
1626 -
1627 -{{expandable summary="
1628 -
1629 -
1630 -Study: School Choice Is Not Enough: The Impact of Critical Social Justice Ideology in American Education"}}
1631 -**Source:** *Social Science Research Network (SSRN)*
1632 -**Date of Publication:** *2020*
1633 -**Author(s):** *Eric Kaufmann, David Goldberg*
1634 -**Title:** *"School Choice Is Not Enough: The Impact of Critical Social Justice Ideology in American Education"*
1635 -**DOI:** [10.2139/ssrn.3730517](https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3730517)
1636 -**Subject Matter:** *K–12 Education, CRT, Indoctrination, Teacher Training*
1637 -
1638 -{{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
1639 -1. **General Observations:**
1640 - - Surveyed **over 800 educators** and analyzed **curricula, training materials, and administrator communications**.
1641 - - Found that **CSJ ideology is deeply embedded in public school systems**, including charter and magnet schools.
1642 -
1643 -2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
1644 - - Teachers reported being trained to believe **Whiteness = privilege + harm**, not just historical context.
1645 - - Administrators disproportionately **disciplined or suppressed dissenting White teachers or parents**.
1646 -
1647 -3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
1648 - - **Majority of educators fear retribution** if they question CSJ orthodoxy.
1649 - - **Curriculum mandates racial self-critique** primarily for White students, often starting in elementary grades.
1650 -{{/expandable}}
1651 -
1652 -{{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
1653 -1. **Primary Observations:**
1654 - - CSJ ideology **functions as an implicit worldview**, not a neutral teaching tool.
1655 - - “Equity” in practice means **dismantling of perceived White dominance**, often through emotional manipulation of students.
1656 -
1657 -2. **Subgroup Trends:**
1658 - - White students and teachers report **feeling targeted or dehumanized** in diversity sessions.
1659 - - Minority students were often **placed in victim-centric identity frameworks**, reinforcing grievance politics.
1660 -
1661 -3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
1662 - - In several documented districts, **student activities included “unlearning Whiteness” workshops**.
1663 - - One district mandated that teachers **“de-center White perspectives”** in all classroom subjects.
1664 -{{/expandable}}
1665 -
1666 -{{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
1667 -1. **Strengths of the Study:**
1668 - - One of the few empirical studies documenting **systemic ideological bias in education**.
1669 - - Strong evidentiary base drawn from **firsthand educator testimony** and training materials.
1670 -
1671 -2. **Limitations of the Study:**
1672 - - Study is based on **self-reported perceptions**, though many are substantiated with examples.
1673 - - Focus is primarily U.S.-centric; international parallels not explored.
1674 -
1675 -3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
1676 - - Future studies could **quantify the academic and emotional impact** on White students.
1677 - - Comparative analysis with **non-CSJ schools** (e.g., classical models) would clarify causal impact.
1678 -{{/expandable}}
1679 -
1680 -{{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
1681 -- Documents how **CRT-aligned ideology disproportionately targets White students and teachers**.
1682 -- Confirms that **school choice fails to protect against ideological indoctrination** when CSJ is systemic.
1683 -- Supports the need for **explicitly anti-indoctrination educational frameworks** grounded in neutrality and merit.
1684 -{{/expandable}}
1685 -
1686 -{{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
1687 -1. Investigate **legal protections for students against compelled ideological speech**.
1688 -2. Study **alternatives to CSJ pedagogy**, such as classical liberal education or civic humanism.
1689 -3. Examine **psychological outcomes** of guilt-based racial framing among White children.
1690 -{{/expandable}}
1691 -
1692 -{{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
1693 -[[Download Full Study>>attach:11.Goldberg_Kaufmann_CSJ_Education_Impact.pdf]]
1694 -{{/expandable}}
1695 -{{/expandable}}
1696 -
1697 -{{expandable summary="
1698 -
1699 -
1700 -Study: Segregation, Innocence, and Protection: The Institutional Conditions That Maintain Whiteness in College Sports"}}
1701 -**Source:** *Journal of Diversity in Higher Education*
1702 -**Date of Publication:** *2019*
1703 -**Author(s):** *Kirsten Hextrum*
1704 -**Title:** *"Segregation, Innocence, and Protection: The Institutional Conditions That Maintain Whiteness in College Sports"*
1705 -**DOI:** [10.1037/dhe0000140](https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000140)
1706 -**Subject Matter:** *Critical Race Theory, Sports Sociology, Anti-White Institutional Framing*
1707 -
1708 -{{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
1709 -1. **General Observations:**
1710 - - Based on **47 athlete interviews**, cherry-picked from non-revenue Division I sports.
1711 - - The study claims **“segregation”**, but presents no evidence of actual exclusion or policy bias — just demographic imbalance.
1712 -
1713 -2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
1714 - - Attributes **White participation** in certain sports to "systemic racism", ignoring **self-selection, geography, and cultural affinity**.
1715 - - Claims White athletes are “protected” from race discussions — but never engages with **Black overrepresentation in revenue sports**.
1716 -
1717 -3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
1718 - - White athletes are portrayed as **ignorant of their privilege**, a claim drawn entirely from CRT frameworks rather than behavior or outcome.
1719 - - **No empirical data** is offered on policy, scholarship distribution, or team selection criteria.
1720 -{{/expandable}}
1721 -
1722 -{{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
1723 -1. **Primary Observations:**
1724 - - Frames **normal demographic patterns** (e.g., majority-White rosters in tennis or rowing) as "institutional whiteness".
1725 - - **Ignores the structural dominance** of Black athletes in high-profile revenue sports like football and basketball.
1726 -
1727 -2. **Subgroup Trends:**
1728 - - White athletes are criticized for **lacking racial awareness**, reinforcing the moral framing of **Whiteness as inherently problematic**.
1729 - - **Cultural preference, individual merit, and athletic subculture** are all excluded from consideration.
1730 -
1731 -3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
1732 - - Argues that college sports **reinforce racial hierarchy** without ever showing how White athletes benefit more than Black athletes.
1733 - - Offers **no comparative analysis** of scholarships, graduation rates, or media portrayal by race.
1734 -{{/expandable}}
1735 -
1736 -{{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
1737 -1. **Strengths of the Study:**
1738 - - Useful as a clear example of **how CRT ideologues weaponize demography** to frame White majority spaces as inherently suspect.
1739 - - Shows how **academic literature systematically avoids symmetrical analysis** when outcomes favor White participants.
1740 -
1741 -2. **Limitations of the Study:**
1742 - - **Excludes revenue sports**, where Black athletes dominate by numbers, prestige, and compensation.
1743 - - **Fails to explain** how team composition emerges from voluntary participation, geography, or subcultural identity.
1744 - - Treats **racial imbalance as proof of racism**, bypassing merit, interest, or socioeconomic context.
1745 -
1746 -3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
1747 - - Include **White athlete perspectives** without pre-framing them as racially naive or complicit.
1748 - - **Compare all sports**, including those where Black athletes thrive and lead.
1749 - - Remove CRT framing and **evaluate outcomes empirically**, not ideologically.
1750 -{{/expandable}}
1751 -
1752 -{{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
1753 -- Demonstrates how **DEI-aligned research reframes benign patterns** as oppressive when White majorities are involved.
1754 -- Illustrates **anti-White academic framing** in environments where no institutional barrier exists.
1755 -- Provides a concrete example of how **CRT avoids acknowledging Black dominance in elite spaces** (revenue athletics).
1756 -{{/expandable}}
1757 -
1758 -{{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
1759 -1. Investigate **racial self-sorting and cultural affiliation** in athletic participation.
1760 -2. Compare **media framing of White-majority vs. Black-majority sports**.
1761 -3. Study **how CRT narratives distort athletic merit and demographic outcomes**.
1762 -{{/expandable}}
1763 -
1764 -{{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
1765 1765  [[Download Full Study>>attach:10.1037_dhe0000140.pdf]]
1766 1766  {{/expandable}}
1767 1767  {{/expandable}}
1768 1768  
1769 -{{expandable summary="
1770 -
1771 -
1772 -Study: Racial Bias in Pain Assessment and Treatment Recommendations"}}
1773 -**Source:** *Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS)*
1774 -**Date of Publication:** *2016*
1775 -**Author(s):** *Kelly M. Hoffman, Sophie Trawalter, Jordan R. Axt, M. Norman Oliver*
1192 +{{expandable summary="Study: Racial Bias in Pain Assessment and Treatment Recommendations"}}
1193 +**Source:** *Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS)*
1194 +**Date of Publication:** *2016*
1195 +**Author(s):** *Kelly M. Hoffman, Sophie Trawalter, Jordan R. Axta, M. Norman Oliver*
1776 1776  **Title:** *"Racial Bias in Pain Assessment and Treatment Recommendations, and False Beliefs About Biological Differences Between Blacks and Whites"*
1777 -**DOI:** [10.1073/pnas.1516047113](https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1516047113)
1778 -**Subject Matter:** *Medical Ethics, Race in Medicine, Implicit Bias*
1197 +**DOI:** [10.1073/pnas.1516047113](https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1516047113)
1198 +**Subject Matter:** *Health Disparities, Racial Bias, Medical Treatment*
1779 1779  
1780 1780  {{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
1781 1781  1. **General Observations:**
1782 - - Analyzed responses from **222 white medical students and residents**.
1783 - - Investigated belief in **false biological differences between Black and White people**.
1784 - - Measured how those beliefs affected **pain ratings and treatment recommendations**.
1202 + - Study analyzed **racial disparities in pain perception and treatment recommendations**.
1203 + - Found that **white laypeople and medical students endorsed false beliefs about biological differences** between Black and white individuals.
1785 1785  
1786 1786  2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
1787 - - **50% of participants endorsed at least one false belief** (e.g., Black people have thicker skin or less sensitive nerve endings).
1788 - - Those who endorsed false beliefs were **more likely to underestimate Black patients' pain**.
1206 + - **50% of medical students surveyed endorsed at least one false belief about biological differences**.
1207 + - Participants who held these false beliefs were **more likely to underestimate Black patients pain levels**.
1789 1789  
1790 1790  3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
1791 - - Bias was **most prominent among first-year students**, diminishing slightly with experience.
1792 - - Study used **hypothetical case vignettes**, not real patient data.
1210 + - **Black patients were less likely to receive appropriate pain treatment** compared to white patients.
1211 + - The study confirmed that **historical misconceptions about racial differences still persist in modern medicine**.
1793 1793  {{/expandable}}
1794 1794  
1795 1795  {{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
1796 1796  1. **Primary Observations:**
1797 - - False biological beliefs were **strongly correlated with racial disparity** in pain assessment.
1798 - - Endorsement of such beliefs led to **less appropriate treatment for Black patients** in fictional cases.
1216 + - False beliefs about biological racial differences **correlate with racial disparities in pain treatment**.
1217 + - Medical students and residents who endorsed these beliefs **showed greater racial bias in treatment recommendations**.
1799 1799  
1800 1800  2. **Subgroup Trends:**
1801 - - Medical students with **no false beliefs showed no treatment bias**.
1802 - - No evidence was presented of **active discrimination** — bias appeared linked to **misinformation, not malice**.
1220 + - Physicians who **did not endorse these beliefs** showed **no racial bias** in treatment recommendations.
1221 + - Bias was **strongest among first-year medical students** and decreased slightly in later years of training.
1803 1803  
1804 1804  3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
1805 - - Fictional vignettes demonstrated that **misinformation about biology**, not systemic malice, led to unequal care.
1806 - - The study **did not show bias against White patients**, nor explore disparities affecting them.
1224 + - Study participants **underestimated Black patients' pain and recommended less effective pain treatments**.
1225 + - The study suggests that **racial disparities in medical care stem, in part, from these enduring false beliefs**.
1807 1807  {{/expandable}}
1808 1808  
1809 1809  {{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
1810 1810  1. **Strengths of the Study:**
1811 - - Provides valuable insight into **how medical myths can affect judgment**.
1812 - - Demonstrates the importance of **clinical education and evidence-based practice**.
1230 + - **First empirical study to connect false racial beliefs with medical decision-making**.
1231 + - Utilizes a **large sample of medical students and residents** from diverse institutions.
1813 1813  
1814 1814  2. **Limitations of the Study:**
1815 - - Fails to examine **bias affecting White patients**, including under-treatment of opioid dependence or mental health.
1816 - - Only focuses on one direction of disparity, treating **White patients as a control** rather than a population worthy of study.
1817 - - **Overemphasizes "racial bias"** narrative despite the findings being more about **ignorance than intent**.
1234 + - The study focuses on **Black vs. white disparities**, leaving other racial/ethnic groups unexplored.
1235 + - Participants' responses were based on **hypothetical medical cases, not real-world treatment decisions**.
1818 1818  
1819 1819  3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
1820 - - Include **comparison groups for all races**, not just a binary Black–White framework.
1821 - - Investigate **systemic neglect of poor rural White populations**, especially in Appalachia and the Midwest.
1822 - - Clarify the **distinction between false belief and racial animus**, which the study conflates under CRT framing.
1238 + - Future research should examine **how these biases manifest in real clinical settings**.
1239 + - Investigate **whether medical training can correct these biases over time**.
1823 1823  {{/expandable}}
1824 1824  
1825 1825  {{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
1826 -- Shows how **DEI-aligned narratives exploit limited findings** to vilify White professionals.
1827 -- Provides an example of a **legitimate medical education issue being repackaged as “racial bias.”**
1828 -- Highlights the **lack of reciprocal scrutiny** of how minorities may receive **preferential narrative framing** or **programmatic support**. 
1243 +- Highlights **racial disparities in healthcare**, specifically in pain assessment and treatment.
1244 +- Supports **research on implicit bias and its impact on medical outcomes**.
1245 +- Provides evidence for **the need to address racial bias in medical education**.
1829 1829  {{/expandable}}
1830 1830  
1831 1831  {{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
1832 -1. Study whether **DEI training reduces false beliefs** or simply **induces White guilt**.
1833 -2. Investigate **biases against White rural patients**, especially regarding **opioid or pain management stigma**.
1834 -3. Conduct **clinical outcome studies**, not self-reported vignettes, to test **real-world disparities**. 
1249 +1. Investigate **interventions to reduce racial bias in medical decision-making**.
1250 +2. Explore **how implicit bias training impacts pain treatment recommendations**.
1251 +3. Conduct **real-world observational studies on racial disparities in healthcare settings**.
1835 1835  {{/expandable}}
1836 1836  
1837 1837  {{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
... ... @@ -1839,10 +1839,7 @@
1839 1839  {{/expandable}}
1840 1840  {{/expandable}}
1841 1841  
1842 -{{expandable summary="
1843 -
1844 -
1845 -Study: Rising Morbidity and Mortality in Midlife Among White Non-Hispanic Americans"}}
1259 +{{expandable summary="Study: Rising Morbidity and Mortality in Midlife Among White Non-Hispanic Americans"}}
1846 1846  **Source:** *Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS)*
1847 1847  **Date of Publication:** *2015*
1848 1848  **Author(s):** *Anne Case, Angus Deaton*
... ... @@ -1910,75 +1910,71 @@
1910 1910  {{/expandable}}
1911 1911  
1912 1912  {{expandable summary="Study: How Do People Without Migration Background Experience and Impact Today’s Superdiverse Cities?"}}
1913 -**Source:** *Urban Studies*
1914 -**Date of Publication:** *2023*
1915 -**Author(s):** *Nina Glick Schiller, Jens Schneider, Ayşe Çağlar*
1916 -**Title:** *"How Do People Without Migration Background Experience and Impact Today’s Superdiverse Cities?"*
1917 -**DOI:** [10.1177/00420980231170057](https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980231170057)
1918 -**Subject Matter:** *Urban Diversity, Migration, Identity Politics*
1327 +**Source:** *Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies*
1328 +**Date of Publication:** *2023*
1329 +**Author(s):** *Maurice Crul, Frans Lelie, Elif Keskiner, Laure Michon, Ismintha Waldring*
1330 +**Title:** *"How Do People Without Migration Background Experience and Impact Today’s Superdiverse Cities?"*
1331 +**DOI:** [10.1080/1369183X.2023.2182548](https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2023.2182548)
1332 +**Subject Matter:** *Urban Sociology, Migration Studies, Integration*
1919 1919  
1920 1920  {{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
1921 1921  1. **General Observations:**
1922 - - Based on interviews with **White European residents** in three major European cities.
1923 - - Focused on how **"non-migrants" (code for native Whites)** perceive and adapt to so-called “superdiversity”.
1336 + - Study examines the role of **people without migration background** in majority-minority cities.
1337 + - Analyzes **over 3,000 survey responses and 150 in-depth interviews** from six North-Western European cities.
1924 1924  
1925 1925  2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
1926 - - Interviewees were **overwhelmingly framed as obstacles** to multicultural harmony.
1927 - - Researchers **pathologized attachment to local culture or ethnic identity** as “resistance to change.
1340 + - Explores differences in **integration, social interactions, and perceptions of diversity**.
1341 + - Studies how **class, education, and neighborhood composition** affect adaptation to urban diversity.
1928 1928  
1929 1929  3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
1930 - - Claims that even positive civic participation by Whites may **“reinforce white privilege.”**
1931 - - Provides **no quantitative data** on actual neighborhood changes or crime statistics.
1344 + - The study introduces the **Becoming a Minority (BaM) project**, a large-scale investigation of urban demographic shifts.
1345 + - **People without migration background perceive diversity differently**, with some embracing and others resisting change.
1932 1932  {{/expandable}}
1933 1933  
1934 1934  {{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
1935 1935  1. **Primary Observations:**
1936 - - Argues that White natives, by simply existing and having a historical presence, **“shape urban inequality.”**
1937 - - Positions White cultural norms as inherently oppressive or exclusionary.
1350 + - The study **challenges traditional integration theories**, arguing that non-migrant groups also undergo adaptation processes.
1351 + - Some residents **struggle with demographic changes**, while others see diversity as an asset.
1938 1938  
1939 1939  2. **Subgroup Trends:**
1940 - - Critiques White residents for seeking **cultural familiarity or demographic continuity.**
1941 - - Presents **White neighborhood cohesion** as a form of invisible boundary-making.
1354 + - Young, educated individuals in urban areas **are more open to cultural diversity**.
1355 + - Older and less mobile residents **report feelings of displacement and social isolation**.
1942 1942  
1943 1943  3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
1944 - - Interviews frame **normal concerns about safety, schooling, or housing** as coded “racism.
1945 - - Treats **multicultural disruption** as inherently positive, and **resistance as bigotry.**
1358 + - Examines how **people without migration background navigate majority-minority settings** in cities like Amsterdam and Vienna.
1359 + - Analyzes **whether former ethnic majority groups now perceive themselves as minorities**.
1946 1946  {{/expandable}}
1947 1947  
1948 1948  {{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
1949 1949  1. **Strengths of the Study:**
1950 - - Reveals how **social scientists increasingly treat Whiteness itself as a problem.**
1951 - - Offers an **unintentional case study in academic anti-White framing.**
1364 + - **Innovative approach** by examining the impact of migration on native populations.
1365 + - Uses **both qualitative and quantitative data** for robust analysis.
1952 1952  
1953 1953  2. **Limitations of the Study:**
1954 - - **Completely ignores migrant-driven displacement** of working-class Whites.
1955 - - Makes **no attempt to understand White residents sympathetically**, only as barriers.
1956 - - Lacks analysis of **economic factors, crime, housing scarcity, or policy failures** contributing to discontent.
1368 + - Limited to **Western European urban settings**, missing perspectives from other global regions.
1369 + - Does not fully explore **policy interventions for fostering social cohesion**.
1957 1957  
1958 1958  3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
1959 - - Include **White perspectives without presuming guilt or fragility.**
1960 - - Disaggregate “White” by **class, locality, or experience** — not treat as a monolith.
1961 - - Balance cultural analysis with **hard demographic and economic data.**
1372 + - Expand research to **other geographical contexts** to understand migration effects globally.
1373 + - Investigate **long-term trends in urban adaptation and community building**.
1962 1962  {{/expandable}}
1963 1963  
1964 1964  {{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
1965 -- Demonstrates how **academic literature increasingly stigmatizes White presence** in urban life.
1966 -- Shows how **“diversity” is defined as the absence or silence of native populations.**
1967 -- Useful for exposing how **CRT and superdiversity discourse erase White communities' legitimacy.**
1377 +- Provides a **new perspective on urban integration**, shifting focus from migrants to native-born populations.
1378 +- Highlights the **role of social and economic power in shaping urban diversity outcomes**.
1379 +- Challenges existing **assimilation theories by showing bidirectional adaptation in diverse cities**.
1968 1968  {{/expandable}}
1969 1969  
1970 1970  {{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
1971 -1. Study the **psychological impact of demographic displacement** on native European populations.
1972 -2. Examine **rising crime and social fragmentation** in superdiverse” zones.
1973 -3. Analyze how **housing, schooling, and local economies** are impacted by mass migration
1383 +1. Study how **local policies shape attitudes toward urban diversity**.
1384 +2. Investigate **the role of economic and housing policies in shaping demographic changes**.
1385 +3. Explore **how social networks influence perceptions of migration and diversity**.
1974 1974  {{/expandable}}
1975 1975  
1976 1976  {{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
1977 -[[Download Full Study>>attach:10.1177_00420980231170057.pdf]]
1389 +[[Download Full Study>>attach:10.1080_1369183X.2023.2182548.pdf]]
1978 1978  {{/expandable}}
1979 -{{/expandable}}
1980 1980  
1981 -
1982 1982  = Media =
1983 1983  
1984 1984  {{expandable summary="Study: The Role of Computer-Mediated Communication in Intergroup Conflic"}}
... ... @@ -2181,233 +2181,4 @@
2181 2181  [[Download Full Study>>attach:10.1093_joc_jqx021.pdf]]
2182 2182  {{/expandable}}
2183 2183  {{/expandable}}
2184 -
2185 -{{expandable summary="Study: White Americans’ Preference for Black People in Advertising Has Increased in the Past 66 Years"}}
2186 -Source: Journal of Advertising Research
2187 -Date of Publication: 2022
2188 -Author(s): Peter M. Lenk, Eric T. Bradlow, Randolph E. Bucklin, Sungeun (Clara) Kim
2189 -Title: "White Americans’ Preference for Black People in Advertising Has Increased in the Past 66 Years: A Meta-Analysis"
2190 -DOI: 10.2501/JAR-2022-028
2191 -Subject Matter: Advertising Trends, Racial Representation, Cultural Shifts
2192 -
2193 -{{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
2194 -**General Observations:**
2195 -
2196 -Meta-analysis of 74 studies conducted between 1955 and 2020 on racial representation in advertising.
2197 -
2198 -Sample included mostly White U.S. participants, with consistent tracking of their preferences.
2199 -
2200 -**Subgroup Analysis:**
2201 -
2202 -Found a steady increase in positive responses toward Black models/actors in ads by White viewers.
2203 -
2204 -Recent decades show equal or greater preference for Black faces compared to White ones.
2205 -
2206 -**Other Significant Data Points:**
2207 -
2208 -Study frames this shift as a positive move toward diversity, ignoring implications for displaced White cultural representation.
2209 -
2210 -No equivalent data was collected on Black or Hispanic attitudes toward White representation.
2211 2211  {{/expandable}}
2212 -
2213 -{{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
2214 -**Primary Observations:**
2215 -
2216 -White Americans have become increasingly receptive or favorable toward Black figures in advertising, even over timeframes of widespread cultural change.
2217 -
2218 -These preferences held across product types, media formats, and ad genres.
2219 -
2220 -**Subgroup Trends:**
2221 -
2222 -Studies from the 1960s–1980s showed preference for in-group racial representation, which has dropped sharply for Whites in recent decades.
2223 -
2224 -The largest positive attitudinal shift occurred between 1995–2020, coinciding with major DEI and cultural programming trends.
2225 -
2226 -**Specific Case Analysis:**
2227 -
2228 -The authors position this as “progress,” but offer no critical reflection on the effects of displacing White imagery from national advertising narratives.
2229 -
2230 -Completely omits consumer preference studies in countries outside the U.S., especially in more homogeneous nations.
2231 -{{/expandable}}
2232 -
2233 -{{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
2234 -**Strengths of the Study:**
2235 -
2236 -Large-scale dataset across decades provides a clear empirical view of long-term trends.
2237 -
2238 -Useful as a benchmark of how White American preferences have evolved under sociocultural pressure.
2239 -
2240 -**Limitations of the Study:**
2241 -
2242 -Fails to ask whether increasing diversity is consumer-driven or culturally imposed.
2243 -
2244 -Ignores the potential alienation or displacement of White cultural identity from mainstream advertising.
2245 -
2246 -Assumes “diverse equals better” without testing economic or emotional impact of those shifts.
2247 -
2248 -**Suggestions for Improvement:**
2249 -
2250 -Include non-White viewer reactions to all-White or traditional American imagery for balance.
2251 -
2252 -Test whether consumers notice racial proportions or experience fatigue from overcorrection.
2253 -
2254 -Explore regional or class-based variance among White viewers, not just aggregate averages.
2255 -{{/expandable}}
2256 -
2257 -{{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
2258 -Demonstrates how White cultural imagery has been steadily replaced or downplayed in the public sphere.
2259 -
2260 -Useful for showing how marketing professionals and researchers frame White displacement as “progress.”
2261 -
2262 -Empirically supports the decline of White in-group preference — possibly due to reeducation, guilt framing, or media saturation.
2263 -{{/expandable}}
2264 -
2265 -{{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
2266 -Study how overrepresentation of minorities in advertising compares to actual demographics.
2267 -
2268 -Examine whether consumers feel represented or alienated by identity-based marketing.
2269 -
2270 -Investigate the psychological and cultural impact of long-term demographic displacement in national advertising.
2271 -{{/expandable}}
2272 -
2273 -{{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
2274 -[[Download Full Study>>attach:10.2501_JAR-2022-028.pdf]]
2275 -{{/expandable}}
2276 -{{/expandable}}
2277 -
2278 -{{expandable summary="Study: Meta-Analysis on Mediated Contact and Prejudice"}}
2279 -**Source:** *Journal of Communication*
2280 -**Date of Publication:** *2020*
2281 -**Author(s):** *John A. Banas, Lauren L. Miller, David A. Braddock, Sun Kyong Lee*
2282 -**Title:** *"Meta-Analysis on Mediated Contact and Prejudice"*
2283 -**DOI:** [10.1093/joc/jqz032](https://doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqz032)
2284 -**Subject Matter:** *Media Psychology, Prejudice Reduction, Intergroup Relations*
2285 -
2286 -{{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
2287 -1. **General Observations:**
2288 - - Aggregated **71 studies involving 27,000+ participants**.
2289 - - Focused on how **media portrayals of out-groups (primarily minorities)** affect attitudes among dominant in-groups (i.e., Whites).
2290 -
2291 -2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
2292 - - **Fictional entertainment** had stronger effects than news.
2293 - - **Positive portrayals of minorities** correlated with significant reductions in “prejudice”.
2294 -
2295 -3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
2296 - - Effects were stronger when minority characters were portrayed as **warm, competent, and morally relatable**.
2297 - - Contact was more effective when it mimicked **face-to-face friendship narratives**.
2298 -{{/expandable}}
2299 -
2300 -{{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
2301 -1. **Primary Observations:**
2302 - - Media is a **powerful tool for shaping racial attitudes**, capable of reducing “prejudice” without real-world contact.
2303 - - **Repeated exposure** to positive portrayals of minorities led to increased acceptance and reduced negative bias.
2304 -
2305 -2. **Subgroup Trends:**
2306 - - **White participants** were the primary targets of reconditioning.
2307 - - Minority participants were not studied in terms of **prejudice against Whites**.
2308 -
2309 -3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
2310 - - “Parasocial” relationships with minority characters (TV/movie exposure) had comparable psychological effects to actual friendships.
2311 - - Media framing functioned as a **top-down mechanism for social engineering**, not just passive reflection of society.
2312 -{{/expandable}}
2313 -
2314 -{{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
2315 -1. **Strengths of the Study:**
2316 - - High-quality quantitative meta-analysis with clear design and robust statistical handling.
2317 - - Acknowledges **media’s ability to alter long-held social beliefs** without physical contact.
2318 -
2319 -2. **Limitations of the Study:**
2320 - - Only defines “prejudice” as **negative attitudes from Whites toward minorities** — no exploration of anti-White media narratives or bias.
2321 - - Ignores the effects of **overexposure to minority portrayals** on cultural alienation or backlash.
2322 - - Assumes **assimilation into DEI norms is inherently positive**, and any reluctance to accept them is “prejudice”.
2323 -
2324 -3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
2325 - - Study reciprocal dynamics — how **minority media portrayals impact attitudes toward Whites**.
2326 - - Investigate whether constant valorization of minorities leads to **resentment, guilt, or political disengagement** among White viewers.
2327 - - Analyze **media saturation effects**, especially in multicultural propaganda and corporate DEI messaging.
2328 -{{/expandable}}
2329 -
2330 -{{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
2331 -- Provides **direct evidence** that media is being used to **reshape racial attitudes** through emotional, parasocial contact.
2332 -- Reinforces concern that **“tolerance” is engineered via asymmetric emotional exposure**, not organic consensus.
2333 -- Useful for documenting how **Whiteness is often treated as a bias to be corrected**, not a culture to be respected.
2334 -{{/expandable}}
2335 -
2336 -{{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
2337 -1. Investigate **reverse parasocial effects** — how negative portrayals of White men affect self-perception and mental health.
2338 -2. Study how **mass entertainment normalizes demographic shifts** and silences native concerns.
2339 -3. Compare effects of **Western vs. non-Western media systems** in promoting diversity narratives. 
2340 -{{/expandable}}
2341 -
2342 -{{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
2343 -[[Download Full Study>>attach:Banas et al. - 2020 - Meta-Analysis on Mediated Contact and Prejudice.pdf]]
2344 -{{/expandable}}
2345 -{{/expandable}}
2346 -
2347 -{{expandable summary="
2348 -
2349 -
2350 -Study: Cultural Voyeurism – A New Framework for Understanding Race, Ethnicity, and Mediated Intergroup Interaction"}}
2351 -**Source:** *Journal of Communication*
2352 -**Date of Publication:** *2018*
2353 -**Author(s):** *Osei Appiah*
2354 -**Title:** *"Cultural Voyeurism: A New Framework for Understanding Race, Ethnicity, and Mediated Intergroup Interaction"*
2355 -**DOI:** [https://doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqx021](https://doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqx021)
2356 -**Subject Matter:** *Intergroup contact, racial stereotypes, media, identity formation*
2357 -
2358 -{{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
2359 -1. **No empirical dataset** — this is a theoretical framework paper, not a quantitative study.
2360 -2. **Heavily cites prior empirical work**, including:
2361 - - Czopp & Monteith (2006) on “complimentary stereotypes”
2362 - - Armstrong et al. (1992), Entman & Rojecki (2000) on media distortion of race
2363 - - Pettigrew et al. (2011) on intergroup contact
2364 -
2365 -3. **Statistical implications:** Repeatedly emphasizes the role of media in shaping racial beliefs when direct interracial contact is absent.
2366 -{{/expandable}}
2367 -
2368 -{{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
2369 -1. **Primary Observations:**
2370 - - Defines *cultural voyeurism* as the process of using media to observe and learn about other racial/ethnic groups.
2371 - - Claims it can both reinforce stereotypes and reduce prejudice depending on context.
2372 - - Suggests that Whites’ fascination with Black culture (e.g., hip-hop, athleticism) is a driver of empathy and improved race relations.
2373 -
2374 -2. **Subgroup Trends:**
2375 - - White youth are singled out as cultural voyeurs increasingly emulating Black identity for social cachet (“coolness”).
2376 - - Positive media portrayals of Blacks (e.g., in entertainment) said to reduce racial bias.
2377 -
2378 -3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
2379 - - No case study provided, but mentions “Duck Dynasty” and “hip-hop culture” as stereotyped White/Black identity constructs respectively.
2380 -{{/expandable}}
2381 -
2382 -{{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
2383 -1. **Strengths of the Study:**
2384 - - Recognizes media’s dual role in shaping intergroup perception.
2385 - - Accurately captures the obsession with racial “coolness” as a social phenomenon.
2386 -
2387 -2. **Limitations of the Study:**
2388 - - Frames White identification with Black culture as inherently progressive, ignoring issues of **anti-White displacement**.
2389 - - Treats *positive stereotypes of minorities* (e.g., athleticism, musicality) as meaningful substitutes for structural reality.
2390 - - Lacks any meaningful inquiry into *reverse cultural voyeurism* (i.e., non-Whites voyeuristically consuming and appropriating White identity or values).
2391 -
2392 -3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
2393 - - Should confront whether “cultural voyeurism” ultimately erodes group boundaries and majority cultural integrity.
2394 - - Needs empirical validation of claims.
2395 - - Avoids uncomfortable realities about how White identity is increasingly stigmatized in media — which undermines genuine empathy or parity.
2396 -{{/expandable}}
2397 -
2398 -{{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
2399 -- Helps explain how **media conditioning** primes young Whites to *admire, emulate, and eventually submit* to Black cultural dominance.
2400 -- Directly supports the narrative that **pro-White identity is systematically delegitimized**, while pro-Black identity is commodified and glamorized — then sold back to White youth.
2401 -- Useful in chapters/sections covering cultural appropriation *in reverse* — not by Whites, but **of Whiteness** by outsiders for critique and exploitation.
2402 -{{/expandable}}
2403 -
2404 -{{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
2405 -1. Are there longitudinal studies showing cultural voyeurism weakening in-group preference among Whites?
2406 -2. Does this phenomenon correspond to decreased fertility, civic participation, or political alignment with group interest?
2407 -3. How do non-Western societies handle voyeuristic consumption of majority culture — do they permit or punish it?
2408 -{{/expandable}}
2409 -
2410 -{{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
2411 -[[Download Full Study>>attach:Cultural Voyeurism A New Framework for Understanding Race, Ethnicity, and Mediated Intergroup Intera.pdf]]
2412 -{{/expandable}}
2413 -{{/expandable}}
Banas et al. - 2020 - Meta-Analysis on Mediated Contact and Prejudice.pdf
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