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... ... @@ -22,8 +22,9 @@
22 22  
23 23  = Genetics =
24 24  
25 -{{expandable summary="
25 +{{expandable summary="
26 26  
27 +
27 27  Study: Reconstructing Indian Population History"}}
28 28  **Source:** *Nature*
29 29  **Date of Publication:** *2009*
... ... @@ -1051,8 +1051,9 @@
1051 1051  {{/expandable}}
1052 1052  {{/expandable}}
1053 1053  
1054 -{{expandable summary="
1055 +{{expandable summary="
1055 1055  
1057 +
1056 1056  Study: Is there a Dysgenic Secular Trend Towards Slowing Simple Reaction Time?"}}
1057 1057  **Source:** *Intelligence (Elsevier)*
1058 1058  **Date of Publication:** *2014*
... ... @@ -1123,67 +1123,65 @@
1123 1123  = Whiteness & White Guilt =
1124 1124  
1125 1125  {{expandable summary="Study: Segregation, Innocence, and Protection: The Institutional Conditions That Maintain Whiteness in College Sports"}}
1126 -**Source:** *Journal of Diversity in Higher Education*
1127 -**Date of Publication:** *2019*
1128 -**Author(s):** *Kirsten Hextrum*
1129 -**Title:** *"Segregation, Innocence, and Protection: The Institutional Conditions That Maintain Whiteness in College Sports"*
1130 -**DOI:** [10.1037/dhe0000140](https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000140)
1131 -**Subject Matter:** *Critical Race Theory, Sports Sociology, Anti-White Institutional Framing*
1128 +**Source:** *Journal of Diversity in Higher Education*
1129 +**Date of Publication:** *2019*
1130 +**Author(s):** *Kirsten Hextrum*
1131 +**Title:** *"Segregation, Innocence, and Protection: The Institutional Conditions That Maintain Whiteness in College Sports"*
1132 +**DOI:** [10.1037/dhe0000140](https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000140)
1133 +**Subject Matter:** *Race and Sports, Higher Education, Institutional Racism*
1132 1132  
1133 1133  {{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
1134 1134  1. **General Observations:**
1135 - - Based on **47 athlete interviews**, cherry-picked from non-revenue Division I sports.
1136 - - The study claims **segregation”**, but presents no evidence of actual exclusion or policy bias — just demographic imbalance.
1137 + - Analyzed **47 college athlete narratives** to explore racial disparities in non-revenue sports.
1138 + - Found three interrelated themes: **racial segregation, racial innocence, and racial protection**.
1137 1137  
1138 1138  2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
1139 - - Attributes **White participation** in certain sports to "systemic racism", ignoring **self-selection, geography, and cultural affinity**.
1140 - - Claims White athletes are “protected” from race discussions — but never engages with **Black overrepresentation in revenue sports**.
1141 + - **Predominantly white sports programs** reinforce racial hierarchies in college athletics.
1142 + - **Recruitment policies favor white athletes** from affluent, suburban backgrounds.
1141 1141  
1142 1142  3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
1143 - - White athletes are portrayed as **ignorant of their privilege**, a claim drawn entirely from CRT frameworks rather than behavior or outcome.
1144 - - **No empirical data** is offered on policy, scholarship distribution, or team selection criteria.
1145 + - White athletes are **socialized to remain unaware of racial privilege** in their athletic careers.
1146 + - Media and institutional narratives protect white athletes from discussions on race and systemic inequities.
1145 1145  {{/expandable}}
1146 1146  
1147 1147  {{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
1148 1148  1. **Primary Observations:**
1149 - - Frames **normal demographic patterns** (e.g., majority-White rosters in tennis or rowing) as "institutional whiteness".
1150 - - **Ignores the structural dominance** of Black athletes in high-profile revenue sports like football and basketball.
1151 + - Colleges **actively recruit white athletes** from majority-white communities.
1152 + - Institutional policies **uphold whiteness** by failing to challenge racial biases in recruitment and team culture.
1151 1151  
1152 1152  2. **Subgroup Trends:**
1153 - - White athletes are criticized for **lacking racial awareness**, reinforcing the moral framing of **Whiteness as inherently problematic**.
1154 - - **Cultural preference, individual merit, and athletic subculture** are all excluded from consideration.
1155 + - **White athletes show limited awareness** of their racial advantage in sports.
1156 + - **Black athletes are overrepresented** in revenue-generating sports but underrepresented in non-revenue teams.
1155 1155  
1156 1156  3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
1157 - - Argues that college sports **reinforce racial hierarchy** without ever showing how White athletes benefit more than Black athletes.
1158 - - Offers **no comparative analysis** of scholarships, graduation rates, or media portrayal by race.
1159 + - Examines **how sports serve as a mechanism for maintaining racial privilege** in higher education.
1160 + - Discusses the **role of athletics in reinforcing systemic segregation and exclusion**.
1159 1159  {{/expandable}}
1160 1160  
1161 1161  {{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
1162 1162  1. **Strengths of the Study:**
1163 - - Useful as a clear example of **how CRT ideologues weaponize demography** to frame White majority spaces as inherently suspect.
1164 - - Shows how **academic literature systematically avoids symmetrical analysis** when outcomes favor White participants.
1165 + - **Comprehensive qualitative analysis** of race in college sports.
1166 + - Examines **institutional conditions** that sustain racial disparities in athletics.
1165 1165  
1166 1166  2. **Limitations of the Study:**
1167 - - **Excludes revenue sports**, where Black athletes dominate by numbers, prestige, and compensation.
1168 - - **Fails to explain** how team composition emerges from voluntary participation, geography, or subcultural identity.
1169 - - Treats **racial imbalance as proof of racism**, bypassing merit, interest, or socioeconomic context.
1169 + - Focuses primarily on **Division I non-revenue sports**, limiting generalizability to other divisions.
1170 + - Lacks extensive **quantitative data on racial demographics** in college athletics.
1170 1170  
1171 1171  3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
1172 - - Include **White athlete perspectives** without pre-framing them as racially naive or complicit.
1173 - - **Compare all sports**, including those where Black athletes thrive and lead.
1174 - - Remove CRT framing and **evaluate outcomes empirically**, not ideologically.
1173 + - Future research should **compare recruitment policies across different sports and divisions**.
1174 + - Investigate **how athletic scholarships contribute to racial inequities in higher education**.
1175 1175  {{/expandable}}
1176 1176  
1177 1177  {{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
1178 -- Demonstrates how **DEI-aligned research reframes benign patterns** as oppressive when White majorities are involved.
1179 -- Illustrates **anti-White academic framing** in environments where no institutional barrier exists.
1180 -- Provides a concrete example of how **CRT avoids acknowledging Black dominance in elite spaces** (revenue athletics).
1178 +- Provides evidence of **systemic racial biases** in college sports recruitment.
1179 +- Highlights **how institutional policies protect whiteness** in non-revenue athletics.
1180 +- Supports research on **diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) efforts in sports and education**.
1181 1181  {{/expandable}}
1182 1182  
1183 1183  {{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
1184 -1. Investigate **racial self-sorting and cultural affiliation** in athletic participation.
1185 -2. Compare **media framing of White-majority vs. Black-majority sports**.
1186 -3. Study **how CRT narratives distort athletic merit and demographic outcomes**.
1184 +1. Investigate how **racial stereotypes influence college athlete recruitment**.
1185 +2. Examine **the role of media in shaping public perceptions of race in sports**.
1186 +3. Explore **policy reforms to increase racial diversity in non-revenue sports**.
1187 1187  {{/expandable}}
1188 1188  
1189 1189  {{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
... ... @@ -1191,70 +1191,66 @@
1191 1191  {{/expandable}}
1192 1192  {{/expandable}}
1193 1193  
1194 -
1195 1195  {{expandable summary="Study: Racial Bias in Pain Assessment and Treatment Recommendations"}}
1196 -**Source:** *Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS)*
1197 -**Date of Publication:** *2016*
1198 -**Author(s):** *Kelly M. Hoffman, Sophie Trawalter, Jordan R. Axt, M. Norman Oliver*
1195 +**Source:** *Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS)*
1196 +**Date of Publication:** *2016*
1197 +**Author(s):** *Kelly M. Hoffman, Sophie Trawalter, Jordan R. Axta, M. Norman Oliver*
1199 1199  **Title:** *"Racial Bias in Pain Assessment and Treatment Recommendations, and False Beliefs About Biological Differences Between Blacks and Whites"*
1200 -**DOI:** [10.1073/pnas.1516047113](https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1516047113)
1201 -**Subject Matter:** *Medical Ethics, Race in Medicine, Implicit Bias*
1199 +**DOI:** [10.1073/pnas.1516047113](https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1516047113)
1200 +**Subject Matter:** *Health Disparities, Racial Bias, Medical Treatment*
1202 1202  
1203 1203  {{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
1204 1204  1. **General Observations:**
1205 - - Analyzed responses from **222 white medical students and residents**.
1206 - - Investigated belief in **false biological differences between Black and White people**.
1207 - - Measured how those beliefs affected **pain ratings and treatment recommendations**.
1204 + - Study analyzed **racial disparities in pain perception and treatment recommendations**.
1205 + - Found that **white laypeople and medical students endorsed false beliefs about biological differences** between Black and white individuals.
1208 1208  
1209 1209  2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
1210 - - **50% of participants endorsed at least one false belief** (e.g., Black people have thicker skin or less sensitive nerve endings).
1211 - - Those who endorsed false beliefs were **more likely to underestimate Black patients' pain**.
1208 + - **50% of medical students surveyed endorsed at least one false belief about biological differences**.
1209 + - Participants who held these false beliefs were **more likely to underestimate Black patients pain levels**.
1212 1212  
1213 1213  3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
1214 - - Bias was **most prominent among first-year students**, diminishing slightly with experience.
1215 - - Study used **hypothetical case vignettes**, not real patient data.
1212 + - **Black patients were less likely to receive appropriate pain treatment** compared to white patients.
1213 + - The study confirmed that **historical misconceptions about racial differences still persist in modern medicine**.
1216 1216  {{/expandable}}
1217 1217  
1218 1218  {{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
1219 1219  1. **Primary Observations:**
1220 - - False biological beliefs were **strongly correlated with racial disparity** in pain assessment.
1221 - - Endorsement of such beliefs led to **less appropriate treatment for Black patients** in fictional cases.
1218 + - False beliefs about biological racial differences **correlate with racial disparities in pain treatment**.
1219 + - Medical students and residents who endorsed these beliefs **showed greater racial bias in treatment recommendations**.
1222 1222  
1223 1223  2. **Subgroup Trends:**
1224 - - Medical students with **no false beliefs showed no treatment bias**.
1225 - - No evidence was presented of **active discrimination** — bias appeared linked to **misinformation, not malice**.
1222 + - Physicians who **did not endorse these beliefs** showed **no racial bias** in treatment recommendations.
1223 + - Bias was **strongest among first-year medical students** and decreased slightly in later years of training.
1226 1226  
1227 1227  3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
1228 - - Fictional vignettes demonstrated that **misinformation about biology**, not systemic malice, led to unequal care.
1229 - - The study **did not show bias against White patients**, nor explore disparities affecting them.
1226 + - Study participants **underestimated Black patients' pain and recommended less effective pain treatments**.
1227 + - The study suggests that **racial disparities in medical care stem, in part, from these enduring false beliefs**.
1230 1230  {{/expandable}}
1231 1231  
1232 1232  {{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
1233 1233  1. **Strengths of the Study:**
1234 - - Provides valuable insight into **how medical myths can affect judgment**.
1235 - - Demonstrates the importance of **clinical education and evidence-based practice**.
1232 + - **First empirical study to connect false racial beliefs with medical decision-making**.
1233 + - Utilizes a **large sample of medical students and residents** from diverse institutions.
1236 1236  
1237 1237  2. **Limitations of the Study:**
1238 - - Fails to examine **bias affecting White patients**, including under-treatment of opioid dependence or mental health.
1239 - - Only focuses on one direction of disparity, treating **White patients as a control** rather than a population worthy of study.
1240 - - **Overemphasizes "racial bias"** narrative despite the findings being more about **ignorance than intent**.
1236 + - The study focuses on **Black vs. white disparities**, leaving other racial/ethnic groups unexplored.
1237 + - Participants' responses were based on **hypothetical medical cases, not real-world treatment decisions**.
1241 1241  
1242 1242  3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
1243 - - Include **comparison groups for all races**, not just a binary Black–White framework.
1244 - - Investigate **systemic neglect of poor rural White populations**, especially in Appalachia and the Midwest.
1245 - - Clarify the **distinction between false belief and racial animus**, which the study conflates under CRT framing.
1240 + - Future research should examine **how these biases manifest in real clinical settings**.
1241 + - Investigate **whether medical training can correct these biases over time**.
1246 1246  {{/expandable}}
1247 1247  
1248 1248  {{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
1249 -- Shows how **DEI-aligned narratives exploit limited findings** to vilify White professionals.
1250 -- Provides an example of a **legitimate medical education issue being repackaged as “racial bias.”**
1251 -- Highlights the **lack of reciprocal scrutiny** of how minorities may receive **preferential narrative framing** or **programmatic support**.
1245 +- Highlights **racial disparities in healthcare**, specifically in pain assessment and treatment.
1246 +- Supports **research on implicit bias and its impact on medical outcomes**.
1247 +- Provides evidence for **the need to address racial bias in medical education**.
1252 1252  {{/expandable}}
1253 1253  
1254 1254  {{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
1255 -1. Study whether **DEI training reduces false beliefs** or simply **induces White guilt**.
1256 -2. Investigate **biases against White rural patients**, especially regarding **opioid or pain management stigma**.
1257 -3. Conduct **clinical outcome studies**, not self-reported vignettes, to test **real-world disparities**.
1251 +1. Investigate **interventions to reduce racial bias in medical decision-making**.
1252 +2. Explore **how implicit bias training impacts pain treatment recommendations**.
1253 +3. Conduct **real-world observational studies on racial disparities in healthcare settings**.
1258 1258  {{/expandable}}
1259 1259  
1260 1260  {{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
... ... @@ -1262,7 +1262,6 @@
1262 1262  {{/expandable}}
1263 1263  {{/expandable}}
1264 1264  
1265 -
1266 1266  {{expandable summary="Study: Rising Morbidity and Mortality in Midlife Among White Non-Hispanic Americans"}}
1267 1267  **Source:** *Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS)*
1268 1268  **Date of Publication:** *2015*
... ... @@ -1331,75 +1331,71 @@
1331 1331  {{/expandable}}
1332 1332  
1333 1333  {{expandable summary="Study: How Do People Without Migration Background Experience and Impact Today’s Superdiverse Cities?"}}
1334 -**Source:** *Urban Studies*
1335 -**Date of Publication:** *2023*
1336 -**Author(s):** *Nina Glick Schiller, Jens Schneider, Ayşe Çağlar*
1337 -**Title:** *"How Do People Without Migration Background Experience and Impact Today’s Superdiverse Cities?"*
1338 -**DOI:** [10.1177/00420980231170057](https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980231170057)
1339 -**Subject Matter:** *Urban Diversity, Migration, Identity Politics*
1329 +**Source:** *Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies*
1330 +**Date of Publication:** *2023*
1331 +**Author(s):** *Maurice Crul, Frans Lelie, Elif Keskiner, Laure Michon, Ismintha Waldring*
1332 +**Title:** *"How Do People Without Migration Background Experience and Impact Today’s Superdiverse Cities?"*
1333 +**DOI:** [10.1080/1369183X.2023.2182548](https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2023.2182548)
1334 +**Subject Matter:** *Urban Sociology, Migration Studies, Integration*
1340 1340  
1341 1341  {{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
1342 1342  1. **General Observations:**
1343 - - Based on interviews with **White European residents** in three major European cities.
1344 - - Focused on how **"non-migrants" (code for native Whites)** perceive and adapt to so-called “superdiversity”.
1338 + - Study examines the role of **people without migration background** in majority-minority cities.
1339 + - Analyzes **over 3,000 survey responses and 150 in-depth interviews** from six North-Western European cities.
1345 1345  
1346 1346  2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
1347 - - Interviewees were **overwhelmingly framed as obstacles** to multicultural harmony.
1348 - - Researchers **pathologized attachment to local culture or ethnic identity** as “resistance to change.
1342 + - Explores differences in **integration, social interactions, and perceptions of diversity**.
1343 + - Studies how **class, education, and neighborhood composition** affect adaptation to urban diversity.
1349 1349  
1350 1350  3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
1351 - - Claims that even positive civic participation by Whites may **“reinforce white privilege.”**
1352 - - Provides **no quantitative data** on actual neighborhood changes or crime statistics.
1346 + - The study introduces the **Becoming a Minority (BaM) project**, a large-scale investigation of urban demographic shifts.
1347 + - **People without migration background perceive diversity differently**, with some embracing and others resisting change.
1353 1353  {{/expandable}}
1354 1354  
1355 1355  {{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
1356 1356  1. **Primary Observations:**
1357 - - Argues that White natives, by simply existing and having a historical presence, **“shape urban inequality.”**
1358 - - Positions White cultural norms as inherently oppressive or exclusionary.
1352 + - The study **challenges traditional integration theories**, arguing that non-migrant groups also undergo adaptation processes.
1353 + - Some residents **struggle with demographic changes**, while others see diversity as an asset.
1359 1359  
1360 1360  2. **Subgroup Trends:**
1361 - - Critiques White residents for seeking **cultural familiarity or demographic continuity.**
1362 - - Presents **White neighborhood cohesion** as a form of invisible boundary-making.
1356 + - Young, educated individuals in urban areas **are more open to cultural diversity**.
1357 + - Older and less mobile residents **report feelings of displacement and social isolation**.
1363 1363  
1364 1364  3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
1365 - - Interviews frame **normal concerns about safety, schooling, or housing** as coded “racism.
1366 - - Treats **multicultural disruption** as inherently positive, and **resistance as bigotry.**
1360 + - Examines how **people without migration background navigate majority-minority settings** in cities like Amsterdam and Vienna.
1361 + - Analyzes **whether former ethnic majority groups now perceive themselves as minorities**.
1367 1367  {{/expandable}}
1368 1368  
1369 1369  {{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
1370 1370  1. **Strengths of the Study:**
1371 - - Reveals how **social scientists increasingly treat Whiteness itself as a problem.**
1372 - - Offers an **unintentional case study in academic anti-White framing.**
1366 + - **Innovative approach** by examining the impact of migration on native populations.
1367 + - Uses **both qualitative and quantitative data** for robust analysis.
1373 1373  
1374 1374  2. **Limitations of the Study:**
1375 - - **Completely ignores migrant-driven displacement** of working-class Whites.
1376 - - Makes **no attempt to understand White residents sympathetically**, only as barriers.
1377 - - Lacks analysis of **economic factors, crime, housing scarcity, or policy failures** contributing to discontent.
1370 + - Limited to **Western European urban settings**, missing perspectives from other global regions.
1371 + - Does not fully explore **policy interventions for fostering social cohesion**.
1378 1378  
1379 1379  3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
1380 - - Include **White perspectives without presuming guilt or fragility.**
1381 - - Disaggregate “White” by **class, locality, or experience** — not treat as a monolith.
1382 - - Balance cultural analysis with **hard demographic and economic data.**
1374 + - Expand research to **other geographical contexts** to understand migration effects globally.
1375 + - Investigate **long-term trends in urban adaptation and community building**.
1383 1383  {{/expandable}}
1384 1384  
1385 1385  {{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
1386 -- Demonstrates how **academic literature increasingly stigmatizes White presence** in urban life.
1387 -- Shows how **“diversity” is defined as the absence or silence of native populations.**
1388 -- Useful for exposing how **CRT and superdiversity discourse erase White communities' legitimacy.**
1379 +- Provides a **new perspective on urban integration**, shifting focus from migrants to native-born populations.
1380 +- Highlights the **role of social and economic power in shaping urban diversity outcomes**.
1381 +- Challenges existing **assimilation theories by showing bidirectional adaptation in diverse cities**.
1389 1389  {{/expandable}}
1390 1390  
1391 1391  {{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
1392 -1. Study the **psychological impact of demographic displacement** on native European populations.
1393 -2. Examine **rising crime and social fragmentation** in superdiverse” zones.
1394 -3. Analyze how **housing, schooling, and local economies** are impacted by mass migration.
1385 +1. Study how **local policies shape attitudes toward urban diversity**.
1386 +2. Investigate **the role of economic and housing policies in shaping demographic changes**.
1387 +3. Explore **how social networks influence perceptions of migration and diversity**.
1395 1395  {{/expandable}}
1396 1396  
1397 1397  {{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
1398 -[[Download Full Study>>attach:10.1177_00420980231170057.pdf]]
1391 +[[Download Full Study>>attach:10.1080_1369183X.2023.2182548.pdf]]
1399 1399  {{/expandable}}
1400 -{{/expandable}}
1401 1401  
1402 -
1403 1403  = Media =
1404 1404  
1405 1405  {{expandable summary="Study: The Role of Computer-Mediated Communication in Intergroup Conflic"}}
... ... @@ -1602,101 +1602,4 @@
1602 1602  [[Download Full Study>>attach:10.1093_joc_jqx021.pdf]]
1603 1603  {{/expandable}}
1604 1604  {{/expandable}}
1605 -
1606 -{{expandable summary="Study: White Americans’ Preference for Black People in Advertising Has Increased in the Past 66 Years"}}
1607 -Source: Journal of Advertising Research
1608 -Date of Publication: 2022
1609 -Author(s): Peter M. Lenk, Eric T. Bradlow, Randolph E. Bucklin, Sungeun (Clara) Kim
1610 -Title: "White Americans’ Preference for Black People in Advertising Has Increased in the Past 66 Years: A Meta-Analysis"
1611 -DOI: 10.2501/JAR-2022-028
1612 -Subject Matter: Advertising Trends, Racial Representation, Cultural Shifts
1613 -
1614 -{{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
1615 -
1616 -**General Observations:**
1617 -
1618 -Meta-analysis of 74 studies conducted between 1955 and 2020 on racial representation in advertising.
1619 -
1620 -Sample included mostly White U.S. participants, with consistent tracking of their preferences.
1621 -
1622 -**Subgroup Analysis:**
1623 -
1624 -Found a steady increase in positive responses toward Black models/actors in ads by White viewers.
1625 -
1626 -Recent decades show equal or greater preference for Black faces compared to White ones.
1627 -
1628 -**Other Significant Data Points:**
1629 -
1630 -Study frames this shift as a positive move toward diversity, ignoring implications for displaced White cultural representation.
1631 -
1632 -No equivalent data was collected on Black or Hispanic attitudes toward White representation.
1633 1633  {{/expandable}}
1634 -
1635 -{{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
1636 -
1637 -**Primary Observations:**
1638 -
1639 -White Americans have become increasingly receptive or favorable toward Black figures in advertising, even over timeframes of widespread cultural change.
1640 -
1641 -These preferences held across product types, media formats, and ad genres.
1642 -
1643 -**Subgroup Trends:**
1644 -
1645 -Studies from the 1960s–1980s showed preference for in-group racial representation, which has dropped sharply for Whites in recent decades.
1646 -
1647 -The largest positive attitudinal shift occurred between 1995–2020, coinciding with major DEI and cultural programming trends.
1648 -
1649 -**Specific Case Analysis:**
1650 -
1651 -The authors position this as “progress,” but offer no critical reflection on the effects of displacing White imagery from national advertising narratives.
1652 -
1653 -Completely omits consumer preference studies in countries outside the U.S., especially in more homogeneous nations.
1654 -{{/expandable}}
1655 -
1656 -{{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
1657 -
1658 -**Strengths of the Study:**
1659 -
1660 -Large-scale dataset across decades provides a clear empirical view of long-term trends.
1661 -
1662 -Useful as a benchmark of how White American preferences have evolved under sociocultural pressure.
1663 -
1664 -**Limitations of the Study:**
1665 -
1666 -Fails to ask whether increasing diversity is consumer-driven or culturally imposed.
1667 -
1668 -Ignores the potential alienation or displacement of White cultural identity from mainstream advertising.
1669 -
1670 -Assumes “diverse equals better” without testing economic or emotional impact of those shifts.
1671 -
1672 -**Suggestions for Improvement:**
1673 -
1674 -Include non-White viewer reactions to all-White or traditional American imagery for balance.
1675 -
1676 -Test whether consumers notice racial proportions or experience fatigue from overcorrection.
1677 -
1678 -Explore regional or class-based variance among White viewers, not just aggregate averages.
1679 -{{/expandable}}
1680 -
1681 -{{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
1682 -
1683 -Demonstrates how White cultural imagery has been steadily replaced or downplayed in the public sphere.
1684 -
1685 -Useful for showing how marketing professionals and researchers frame White displacement as “progress.”
1686 -
1687 -Empirically supports the decline of White in-group preference — possibly due to reeducation, guilt framing, or media saturation.
1688 -{{/expandable}}
1689 -
1690 -{{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
1691 -
1692 -Study how overrepresentation of minorities in advertising compares to actual demographics.
1693 -
1694 -Examine whether consumers feel represented or alienated by identity-based marketing.
1695 -
1696 -Investigate the psychological and cultural impact of long-term demographic displacement in national advertising.
1697 -{{/expandable}}
1698 -
1699 -{{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
1700 -[[Download Full Study>>attach:10.2501_JAR-2022-028.pdf]]
1701 -{{/expandable}}
1702 -{{/expandable}}
lenk-et-al-white-americans-preference-for-black-people-in-advertising-has-increased-in-the-past-66-years-a-meta-analysis.pdf
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