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... ... @@ -1122,66 +1122,138 @@
1122 1122  
1123 1123  = Whiteness & White Guilt =
1124 1124  
1125 +{{expandable summary="Study: Reducing Implicit Racial Preferences: I. A Comparative Investigation of 17 Interventions"}}
1126 +**Source:** *Psychological Science*
1127 +**Date of Publication:** *2014*
1128 +**Author(s):** *Caleb E. Lai, Anthony G. Greenwald, et al.*
1129 +**Title:** *"Reducing Implicit Racial Preferences: I. A Comparative Investigation of 17 Interventions"*
1130 +**DOI:** [10.1177/0956797614535812](https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797614535812)
1131 +**Subject Matter:** *Implicit Bias, Racial Psychology, Psychological Conditioning*
1132 +
1133 +{{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
1134 +1. **General Observations:**
1135 + - Tested **17 different interventions** across **6,321 participants**, all measured via IAT (Implicit Association Test).
1136 + - Focused exclusively on reducing **pro-White, anti-Black preferences** — no reciprocal testing on anti-White bias.
1137 +
1138 +2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
1139 + - Educational and exposure-based interventions (e.g., multiculturalism, egalitarian messaging) failed to reduce bias significantly.
1140 + - Most effective short-term results came from **trauma-based or emotionally coercive interventions**.
1141 +
1142 +3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
1143 + - The **"Black hero" intervention**, where participants imagined being violently attacked by a White man and rescued by a Black man, was among the most effective.
1144 + - Effects of even the most extreme interventions **dissipated within 24–72 hours**, with no long-term behavioral change.
1145 +{{/expandable}}
1146 +
1147 +{{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
1148 +1. **Primary Observations:**
1149 + - The interventions that produced the most dramatic IAT changes used **emotionally graphic narratives** depicting Whites as violent aggressors and Blacks as saviors.
1150 + - Merely showing positive Black images or promoting egalitarian values had minimal effect on implicit associations.
1151 +
1152 +2. **Subgroup Trends:**
1153 + - In the **"Black hero" condition**, participants were asked to imagine being physically beaten by a White person and then rescued by a Black person — an intentionally vivid and disturbing scenario.
1154 + - The **"Black victim" intervention** relied on emotionally shocking imagery of anti-Black violence (e.g., lynching) to induce guilt and disrupt positive associations with Whiteness.
1155 +
1156 +3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
1157 + - None of the scenarios reversed the framing (e.g., Black aggressor/White victim), confirming the ideological goal was **to degrade White identity**, not merely reduce bias.
1158 + - The study was **cited by the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP)** to justify DEI-aligned policy recommendations.
1159 +{{/expandable}}
1160 +
1161 +{{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
1162 +1. **Strengths of the Study:**
1163 + - Large sample size and systematic comparison across diverse intervention types.
1164 + - Clearly shows that **implicit preference is resilient** and not easily changed by education or exposure alone.
1165 +
1166 +2. **Limitations of the Study:**
1167 + - The most “effective” methods **relied on emotional manipulation, not persuasion or evidence**.
1168 + - Assumes **natural in-group preference is pathological** when expressed by White subjects but makes no effort to test other groups.
1169 + - **Zero attention to pro-Black or anti-White bias** — only White attitudes are pathologized.
1170 +
1171 +3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
1172 + - Test the **psychological harm** and ethical implications of using graphic racial trauma to coerce attitude change.
1173 + - Include interventions that **strengthen ingroup empathy** without demonizing other groups.
1174 + - Disaggregate bias by **class, region, and individual experience**, rather than racially reducing all bias to “Whiteness.”
1175 +{{/expandable}}
1176 +
1177 +{{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
1178 +- Provides direct evidence that **DEI-style implicit bias training** is based on emotionally abusive and **anti-White psychological framing**.
1179 +- Shows how **social science selectively targets Whites for attitude correction**, often using fictionalized racial trauma scenarios.
1180 +- Demonstrates that even extreme interventions **fail to achieve long-term change**, undermining the scientific justification for such policies.
1181 +{{/expandable}}
1182 +
1183 +{{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
1184 +1. Investigate **implicit bias training outcomes** in real-world institutional settings.
1185 +2. Study **the ethical limits of psychological reprogramming** in DEI policies.
1186 +3. Explore **natural ingroup preference across all races** using morally neutral frameworks.
1187 +{{/expandable}}
1188 +
1189 +{{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
1190 +[[Download Full Study>>attach:lai2014.pdf]]
1191 +{{/expandable}}
1192 +{{/expandable}}
1193 +
1194 +
1125 1125  {{expandable summary="Study: Segregation, Innocence, and Protection: The Institutional Conditions That Maintain Whiteness in College Sports"}}
1126 -**Source:** *Journal of Diversity in Higher Education*
1127 -**Date of Publication:** *2019*
1128 -**Author(s):** *Kirsten Hextrum*
1129 -**Title:** *"Segregation, Innocence, and Protection: The Institutional Conditions That Maintain Whiteness in College Sports"*
1130 -**DOI:** [10.1037/dhe0000140](https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000140)
1131 -**Subject Matter:** *Race and Sports, Higher Education, Institutional Racism*
1196 +**Source:** *Journal of Diversity in Higher Education*
1197 +**Date of Publication:** *2019*
1198 +**Author(s):** *Kirsten Hextrum*
1199 +**Title:** *"Segregation, Innocence, and Protection: The Institutional Conditions That Maintain Whiteness in College Sports"*
1200 +**DOI:** [10.1037/dhe0000140](https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000140)
1201 +**Subject Matter:** *Critical Race Theory, Sports Sociology, Anti-White Institutional Framing*
1132 1132  
1133 1133  {{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
1134 1134  1. **General Observations:**
1135 - - Analyzed **47 college athlete narratives** to explore racial disparities in non-revenue sports.
1136 - - Found three interrelated themes: **racial segregation, racial innocence, and racial protection**.
1205 + - Based on **47 athlete interviews**, cherry-picked from non-revenue Division I sports.
1206 + - The study claims **segregation”**, but presents no evidence of actual exclusion or policy bias — just demographic imbalance.
1137 1137  
1138 1138  2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
1139 - - **Predominantly white sports programs** reinforce racial hierarchies in college athletics.
1140 - - **Recruitment policies favor white athletes** from affluent, suburban backgrounds.
1209 + - Attributes **White participation** in certain sports to "systemic racism", ignoring **self-selection, geography, and cultural affinity**.
1210 + - Claims White athletes are “protected” from race discussions — but never engages with **Black overrepresentation in revenue sports**.
1141 1141  
1142 1142  3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
1143 - - White athletes are **socialized to remain unaware of racial privilege** in their athletic careers.
1144 - - Media and institutional narratives protect white athletes from discussions on race and systemic inequities.
1213 + - White athletes are portrayed as **ignorant of their privilege**, a claim drawn entirely from CRT frameworks rather than behavior or outcome.
1214 + - **No empirical data** is offered on policy, scholarship distribution, or team selection criteria.
1145 1145  {{/expandable}}
1146 1146  
1147 1147  {{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
1148 1148  1. **Primary Observations:**
1149 - - Colleges **actively recruit white athletes** from majority-white communities.
1150 - - Institutional policies **uphold whiteness** by failing to challenge racial biases in recruitment and team culture.
1219 + - Frames **normal demographic patterns** (e.g., majority-White rosters in tennis or rowing) as "institutional whiteness".
1220 + - **Ignores the structural dominance** of Black athletes in high-profile revenue sports like football and basketball.
1151 1151  
1152 1152  2. **Subgroup Trends:**
1153 - - **White athletes show limited awareness** of their racial advantage in sports.
1154 - - **Black athletes are overrepresented** in revenue-generating sports but underrepresented in non-revenue teams.
1223 + - White athletes are criticized for **lacking racial awareness**, reinforcing the moral framing of **Whiteness as inherently problematic**.
1224 + - **Cultural preference, individual merit, and athletic subculture** are all excluded from consideration.
1155 1155  
1156 1156  3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
1157 - - Examines **how sports serve as a mechanism for maintaining racial privilege** in higher education.
1158 - - Discusses the **role of athletics in reinforcing systemic segregation and exclusion**.
1227 + - Argues that college sports **reinforce racial hierarchy** without ever showing how White athletes benefit more than Black athletes.
1228 + - Offers **no comparative analysis** of scholarships, graduation rates, or media portrayal by race.
1159 1159  {{/expandable}}
1160 1160  
1161 1161  {{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
1162 1162  1. **Strengths of the Study:**
1163 - - **Comprehensive qualitative analysis** of race in college sports.
1164 - - Examines **institutional conditions** that sustain racial disparities in athletics.
1233 + - Useful as a clear example of **how CRT ideologues weaponize demography** to frame White majority spaces as inherently suspect.
1234 + - Shows how **academic literature systematically avoids symmetrical analysis** when outcomes favor White participants.
1165 1165  
1166 1166  2. **Limitations of the Study:**
1167 - - Focuses primarily on **Division I non-revenue sports**, limiting generalizability to other divisions.
1168 - - Lacks extensive **quantitative data on racial demographics** in college athletics.
1237 + - **Excludes revenue sports**, where Black athletes dominate by numbers, prestige, and compensation.
1238 + - **Fails to explain** how team composition emerges from voluntary participation, geography, or subcultural identity.
1239 + - Treats **racial imbalance as proof of racism**, bypassing merit, interest, or socioeconomic context.
1169 1169  
1170 1170  3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
1171 - - Future research should **compare recruitment policies across different sports and divisions**.
1172 - - Investigate **how athletic scholarships contribute to racial inequities in higher education**.
1242 + - Include **White athlete perspectives** without pre-framing them as racially naive or complicit.
1243 + - **Compare all sports**, including those where Black athletes thrive and lead.
1244 + - Remove CRT framing and **evaluate outcomes empirically**, not ideologically.
1173 1173  {{/expandable}}
1174 1174  
1175 1175  {{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
1176 -- Provides evidence of **systemic racial biases** in college sports recruitment.
1177 -- Highlights **how institutional policies protect whiteness** in non-revenue athletics.
1178 -- Supports research on **diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) efforts in sports and education**.
1248 +- Demonstrates how **DEI-aligned research reframes benign patterns** as oppressive when White majorities are involved.
1249 +- Illustrates **anti-White academic framing** in environments where no institutional barrier exists.
1250 +- Provides a concrete example of how **CRT avoids acknowledging Black dominance in elite spaces** (revenue athletics).
1179 1179  {{/expandable}}
1180 1180  
1181 1181  {{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
1182 -1. Investigate how **racial stereotypes influence college athlete recruitment**.
1183 -2. Examine **the role of media in shaping public perceptions of race in sports**.
1184 -3. Explore **policy reforms to increase racial diversity in non-revenue sports**.
1254 +1. Investigate **racial self-sorting and cultural affiliation** in athletic participation.
1255 +2. Compare **media framing of White-majority vs. Black-majority sports**.
1256 +3. Study **how CRT narratives distort athletic merit and demographic outcomes**.
1185 1185  {{/expandable}}
1186 1186  
1187 1187  {{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
... ... @@ -1189,66 +1189,70 @@
1189 1189  {{/expandable}}
1190 1190  {{/expandable}}
1191 1191  
1264 +
1192 1192  {{expandable summary="Study: Racial Bias in Pain Assessment and Treatment Recommendations"}}
1193 -**Source:** *Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS)*
1194 -**Date of Publication:** *2016*
1195 -**Author(s):** *Kelly M. Hoffman, Sophie Trawalter, Jordan R. Axta, M. Norman Oliver*
1266 +**Source:** *Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS)*
1267 +**Date of Publication:** *2016*
1268 +**Author(s):** *Kelly M. Hoffman, Sophie Trawalter, Jordan R. Axt, M. Norman Oliver*
1196 1196  **Title:** *"Racial Bias in Pain Assessment and Treatment Recommendations, and False Beliefs About Biological Differences Between Blacks and Whites"*
1197 -**DOI:** [10.1073/pnas.1516047113](https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1516047113)
1198 -**Subject Matter:** *Health Disparities, Racial Bias, Medical Treatment*
1270 +**DOI:** [10.1073/pnas.1516047113](https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1516047113)
1271 +**Subject Matter:** *Medical Ethics, Race in Medicine, Implicit Bias*
1199 1199  
1200 1200  {{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
1201 1201  1. **General Observations:**
1202 - - Study analyzed **racial disparities in pain perception and treatment recommendations**.
1203 - - Found that **white laypeople and medical students endorsed false beliefs about biological differences** between Black and white individuals.
1275 + - Analyzed responses from **222 white medical students and residents**.
1276 + - Investigated belief in **false biological differences between Black and White people**.
1277 + - Measured how those beliefs affected **pain ratings and treatment recommendations**.
1204 1204  
1205 1205  2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
1206 - - **50% of medical students surveyed endorsed at least one false belief about biological differences**.
1207 - - Participants who held these false beliefs were **more likely to underestimate Black patients pain levels**.
1280 + - **50% of participants endorsed at least one false belief** (e.g., Black people have thicker skin or less sensitive nerve endings).
1281 + - Those who endorsed false beliefs were **more likely to underestimate Black patients' pain**.
1208 1208  
1209 1209  3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
1210 - - **Black patients were less likely to receive appropriate pain treatment** compared to white patients.
1211 - - The study confirmed that **historical misconceptions about racial differences still persist in modern medicine**.
1284 + - Bias was **most prominent among first-year students**, diminishing slightly with experience.
1285 + - Study used **hypothetical case vignettes**, not real patient data.
1212 1212  {{/expandable}}
1213 1213  
1214 1214  {{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
1215 1215  1. **Primary Observations:**
1216 - - False beliefs about biological racial differences **correlate with racial disparities in pain treatment**.
1217 - - Medical students and residents who endorsed these beliefs **showed greater racial bias in treatment recommendations**.
1290 + - False biological beliefs were **strongly correlated with racial disparity** in pain assessment.
1291 + - Endorsement of such beliefs led to **less appropriate treatment for Black patients** in fictional cases.
1218 1218  
1219 1219  2. **Subgroup Trends:**
1220 - - Physicians who **did not endorse these beliefs** showed **no racial bias** in treatment recommendations.
1221 - - Bias was **strongest among first-year medical students** and decreased slightly in later years of training.
1294 + - Medical students with **no false beliefs showed no treatment bias**.
1295 + - No evidence was presented of **active discrimination** — bias appeared linked to **misinformation, not malice**.
1222 1222  
1223 1223  3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
1224 - - Study participants **underestimated Black patients' pain and recommended less effective pain treatments**.
1225 - - The study suggests that **racial disparities in medical care stem, in part, from these enduring false beliefs**.
1298 + - Fictional vignettes demonstrated that **misinformation about biology**, not systemic malice, led to unequal care.
1299 + - The study **did not show bias against White patients**, nor explore disparities affecting them.
1226 1226  {{/expandable}}
1227 1227  
1228 1228  {{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
1229 1229  1. **Strengths of the Study:**
1230 - - **First empirical study to connect false racial beliefs with medical decision-making**.
1231 - - Utilizes a **large sample of medical students and residents** from diverse institutions.
1304 + - Provides valuable insight into **how medical myths can affect judgment**.
1305 + - Demonstrates the importance of **clinical education and evidence-based practice**.
1232 1232  
1233 1233  2. **Limitations of the Study:**
1234 - - The study focuses on **Black vs. white disparities**, leaving other racial/ethnic groups unexplored.
1235 - - Participants' responses were based on **hypothetical medical cases, not real-world treatment decisions**.
1308 + - Fails to examine **bias affecting White patients**, including under-treatment of opioid dependence or mental health.
1309 + - Only focuses on one direction of disparity, treating **White patients as a control** rather than a population worthy of study.
1310 + - **Overemphasizes "racial bias"** narrative despite the findings being more about **ignorance than intent**.
1236 1236  
1237 1237  3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
1238 - - Future research should examine **how these biases manifest in real clinical settings**.
1239 - - Investigate **whether medical training can correct these biases over time**.
1313 + - Include **comparison groups for all races**, not just a binary Black–White framework.
1314 + - Investigate **systemic neglect of poor rural White populations**, especially in Appalachia and the Midwest.
1315 + - Clarify the **distinction between false belief and racial animus**, which the study conflates under CRT framing.
1240 1240  {{/expandable}}
1241 1241  
1242 1242  {{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
1243 -- Highlights **racial disparities in healthcare**, specifically in pain assessment and treatment.
1244 -- Supports **research on implicit bias and its impact on medical outcomes**.
1245 -- Provides evidence for **the need to address racial bias in medical education**.
1319 +- Shows how **DEI-aligned narratives exploit limited findings** to vilify White professionals.
1320 +- Provides an example of a **legitimate medical education issue being repackaged as “racial bias.”**
1321 +- Highlights the **lack of reciprocal scrutiny** of how minorities may receive **preferential narrative framing** or **programmatic support**.
1246 1246  {{/expandable}}
1247 1247  
1248 1248  {{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
1249 -1. Investigate **interventions to reduce racial bias in medical decision-making**.
1250 -2. Explore **how implicit bias training impacts pain treatment recommendations**.
1251 -3. Conduct **real-world observational studies on racial disparities in healthcare settings**.
1325 +1. Study whether **DEI training reduces false beliefs** or simply **induces White guilt**.
1326 +2. Investigate **biases against White rural patients**, especially regarding **opioid or pain management stigma**.
1327 +3. Conduct **clinical outcome studies**, not self-reported vignettes, to test **real-world disparities**.
1252 1252  {{/expandable}}
1253 1253  
1254 1254  {{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
... ... @@ -1256,6 +1256,7 @@
1256 1256  {{/expandable}}
1257 1257  {{/expandable}}
1258 1258  
1335 +
1259 1259  {{expandable summary="Study: Rising Morbidity and Mortality in Midlife Among White Non-Hispanic Americans"}}
1260 1260  **Source:** *Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS)*
1261 1261  **Date of Publication:** *2015*
... ... @@ -1324,72 +1324,75 @@
1324 1324  {{/expandable}}
1325 1325  
1326 1326  {{expandable summary="Study: How Do People Without Migration Background Experience and Impact Today’s Superdiverse Cities?"}}
1327 -**Source:** *Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies*
1328 -**Date of Publication:** *2023*
1329 -**Author(s):** *Maurice Crul, Frans Lelie, Elif Keskiner, Laure Michon, Ismintha Waldring*
1330 -**Title:** *"How Do People Without Migration Background Experience and Impact Today’s Superdiverse Cities?"*
1331 -**DOI:** [10.1080/1369183X.2023.2182548](https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2023.2182548)
1332 -**Subject Matter:** *Urban Sociology, Migration Studies, Integration*
1404 +**Source:** *Urban Studies*
1405 +**Date of Publication:** *2023*
1406 +**Author(s):** *Nina Glick Schiller, Jens Schneider, Ayşe Çağlar*
1407 +**Title:** *"How Do People Without Migration Background Experience and Impact Today’s Superdiverse Cities?"*
1408 +**DOI:** [10.1177/00420980231170057](https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980231170057)
1409 +**Subject Matter:** *Urban Diversity, Migration, Identity Politics*
1333 1333  
1334 1334  {{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
1335 1335  1. **General Observations:**
1336 - - Study examines the role of **people without migration background** in majority-minority cities.
1337 - - Analyzes **over 3,000 survey responses and 150 in-depth interviews** from six North-Western European cities.
1413 + - Based on interviews with **White European residents** in three major European cities.
1414 + - Focused on how **"non-migrants" (code for native Whites)** perceive and adapt to so-called “superdiversity”.
1338 1338  
1339 1339  2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
1340 - - Explores differences in **integration, social interactions, and perceptions of diversity**.
1341 - - Studies how **class, education, and neighborhood composition** affect adaptation to urban diversity.
1417 + - Interviewees were **overwhelmingly framed as obstacles** to multicultural harmony.
1418 + - Researchers **pathologized attachment to local culture or ethnic identity** as “resistance to change.
1342 1342  
1343 1343  3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
1344 - - The study introduces the **Becoming a Minority (BaM) project**, a large-scale investigation of urban demographic shifts.
1345 - - **People without migration background perceive diversity differently**, with some embracing and others resisting change.
1421 + - Claims that even positive civic participation by Whites may **“reinforce white privilege.”**
1422 + - Provides **no quantitative data** on actual neighborhood changes or crime statistics.
1346 1346  {{/expandable}}
1347 1347  
1348 1348  {{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
1349 1349  1. **Primary Observations:**
1350 - - The study **challenges traditional integration theories**, arguing that non-migrant groups also undergo adaptation processes.
1351 - - Some residents **struggle with demographic changes**, while others see diversity as an asset.
1427 + - Argues that White natives, by simply existing and having a historical presence, **“shape urban inequality.”**
1428 + - Positions White cultural norms as inherently oppressive or exclusionary.
1352 1352  
1353 1353  2. **Subgroup Trends:**
1354 - - Young, educated individuals in urban areas **are more open to cultural diversity**.
1355 - - Older and less mobile residents **report feelings of displacement and social isolation**.
1431 + - Critiques White residents for seeking **cultural familiarity or demographic continuity.**
1432 + - Presents **White neighborhood cohesion** as a form of invisible boundary-making.
1356 1356  
1357 1357  3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
1358 - - Examines how **people without migration background navigate majority-minority settings** in cities like Amsterdam and Vienna.
1359 - - Analyzes **whether former ethnic majority groups now perceive themselves as minorities**.
1435 + - Interviews frame **normal concerns about safety, schooling, or housing** as coded racism.
1436 + - Treats **multicultural disruption** as inherently positive, and **resistance as bigotry.**
1360 1360  {{/expandable}}
1361 1361  
1362 1362  {{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
1363 1363  1. **Strengths of the Study:**
1364 - - **Innovative approach** by examining the impact of migration on native populations.
1365 - - Uses **both qualitative and quantitative data** for robust analysis.
1441 + - Reveals how **social scientists increasingly treat Whiteness itself as a problem.**
1442 + - Offers an **unintentional case study in academic anti-White framing.**
1366 1366  
1367 1367  2. **Limitations of the Study:**
1368 - - Limited to **Western European urban settings**, missing perspectives from other global regions.
1369 - - Does not fully explore **policy interventions for fostering social cohesion**.
1445 + - **Completely ignores migrant-driven displacement** of working-class Whites.
1446 + - Makes **no attempt to understand White residents sympathetically**, only as barriers.
1447 + - Lacks analysis of **economic factors, crime, housing scarcity, or policy failures** contributing to discontent.
1370 1370  
1371 1371  3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
1372 - - Expand research to **other geographical contexts** to understand migration effects globally.
1373 - - Investigate **long-term trends in urban adaptation and community building**.
1450 + - Include **White perspectives without presuming guilt or fragility.**
1451 + - Disaggregate “White” by **class, locality, or experience** — not treat as a monolith.
1452 + - Balance cultural analysis with **hard demographic and economic data.**
1374 1374  {{/expandable}}
1375 1375  
1376 1376  {{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
1377 -- Provides a **new perspective on urban integration**, shifting focus from migrants to native-born populations.
1378 -- Highlights the **role of social and economic power in shaping urban diversity outcomes**.
1379 -- Challenges existing **assimilation theories by showing bidirectional adaptation in diverse cities**.
1456 +- Demonstrates how **academic literature increasingly stigmatizes White presence** in urban life.
1457 +- Shows how **“diversity” is defined as the absence or silence of native populations.**
1458 +- Useful for exposing how **CRT and superdiversity discourse erase White communities' legitimacy.**
1380 1380  {{/expandable}}
1381 1381  
1382 1382  {{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
1383 -1. Study how **local policies shape attitudes toward urban diversity**.
1384 -2. Investigate **the role of economic and housing policies in shaping demographic changes**.
1385 -3. Explore **how social networks influence perceptions of migration and diversity**.
1462 +1. Study the **psychological impact of demographic displacement** on native European populations.
1463 +2. Examine **rising crime and social fragmentation** in “superdiverse” zones.
1464 +3. Analyze how **housing, schooling, and local economies** are impacted by mass migration.
1386 1386  {{/expandable}}
1387 1387  
1388 1388  {{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
1389 -[[Download Full Study>>attach:10.1080_1369183X.2023.2182548.pdf]]
1468 +[[Download Full Study>>attach:10.1177_00420980231170057.pdf]]
1390 1390  {{/expandable}}
1391 1391  {{/expandable}}
1392 1392  
1472 +
1393 1393  = Media =
1394 1394  
1395 1395  {{expandable summary="Study: The Role of Computer-Mediated Communication in Intergroup Conflic"}}
... ... @@ -1594,107 +1594,169 @@
1594 1594  {{/expandable}}
1595 1595  
1596 1596  {{expandable summary="Study: White Americans’ Preference for Black People in Advertising Has Increased in the Past 66 Years"}}
1597 -Source: Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS)
1598 -Date of Publication: February 20, 2024
1599 -Author(s): Julia Diana Lenk, Jochen Hartmann, Henrik Sattler
1677 +Source: Journal of Advertising Research
1678 +Date of Publication: 2022
1679 +Author(s): Peter M. Lenk, Eric T. Bradlow, Randolph E. Bucklin, Sungeun (Clara) Kim
1600 1600  Title: "White Americans’ Preference for Black People in Advertising Has Increased in the Past 66 Years: A Meta-Analysis"
1601 -DOI: 10.1073/pnas.2307505121
1602 -Subject Matter: Advertising, Race, Consumer Behavior, Meta-Analysis
1681 +DOI: 10.2501/JAR-2022-028
1682 +Subject Matter: Advertising Trends, Racial Representation, Cultural Shifts
1603 1603  
1604 1604  {{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
1605 1605  
1606 -Study Scale:
1686 +**General Observations:**
1607 1607  
1608 -62 studies, 332 effect sizes, 10,186 participants (Black and White Americans).
1688 +Meta-analysis of 74 studies conducted between 1955 and 2020 on racial representation in advertising.
1609 1609  
1610 -Covers the period 1956–2022.
1690 +Sample included mostly White U.S. participants, with consistent tracking of their preferences.
1611 1611  
1612 -Cohens d Effect Sizes (Model-Free):
1692 +**Subgroup Analysis:**
1613 1613  
1614 -Black viewers: d = 0.50 → strong, consistent ingroup preference for Black models.
1694 +Found a steady increase in positive responses toward Black models/actors in ads by White viewers.
1615 1615  
1616 -White viewers: d = –0.08 overall; pre-2000: d = –0.16 (ingroup); post-2000: d = +0.02 (outgroup leaning).
1696 +Recent decades show equal or greater preference for Black faces compared to White ones.
1617 1617  
1618 -Regression Findings:
1698 +**Other Significant Data Points:**
1619 1619  
1620 -White viewers preference for Black models increases by ~0.0128 d/year since 1956 (p < 0.05).
1700 +Study frames this shift as a positive move toward diversity, ignoring implications for displaced White cultural representation.
1621 1621  
1622 -By 2022, White viewers showed positive directional preference for Black endorsers.
1623 -
1624 -Black viewer preferences remained stable across the 66 years.
1702 +No equivalent data was collected on Black or Hispanic attitudes toward White representation.
1625 1625  {{/expandable}}
1626 1626  
1627 1627  {{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
1628 1628  
1629 -Primary Observations:
1707 +**Primary Observations:**
1630 1630  
1631 -Ingroup favoritism is evident: Black viewers consistently prefer Black endorsers.
1709 +White Americans have become increasingly receptive or favorable toward Black figures in advertising, even over timeframes of widespread cultural change.
1632 1632  
1633 -White viewers preferences have shifted significantly over time toward favoring Black endorsers.
1711 +These preferences held across product types, media formats, and ad genres.
1634 1634  
1635 -Temporal Trends:
1713 +**Subgroup Trends:**
1636 1636  
1637 -Turning point: Around 20022003, White viewers began showing a positive (though small) preference for Black endorsers.
1715 +Studies from the 1960s1980s showed preference for in-group racial representation, which has dropped sharply for Whites in recent decades.
1638 1638  
1639 -Moderator Effects:
1717 +The largest positive attitudinal shift occurred between 1995–2020, coinciding with major DEI and cultural programming trends.
1640 1640  
1641 -Low anti-Black prejudice and low White ethnic identification correlate with greater White preference for Black endorsers.
1719 +**Specific Case Analysis:**
1642 1642  
1643 -Economic hardship (e.g., high unemployment) slightly reduces White preference for Black endorsers.
1721 +The authors position this as “progress, but offer no critical reflection on the effects of displacing White imagery from national advertising narratives.
1644 1644  
1645 -Identification Model:
1646 -
1647 -Preference changes are stronger when outcomes measure identification with endorsers (e.g., similarity, attractiveness).
1723 +Completely omits consumer preference studies in countries outside the U.S., especially in more homogeneous nations.
1648 1648  {{/expandable}}
1649 1649  
1650 1650  {{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
1651 1651  
1652 -Strengths of the Study:
1728 +**Strengths of the Study:**
1653 1653  
1654 -Longest-running meta-analysis on interracial preferences in advertising.
1730 +Large-scale dataset across decades provides a clear empirical view of long-term trends.
1655 1655  
1656 -Includes multilevel modeling and 21 meta-analytic covariates.
1732 +Useful as a benchmark of how White American preferences have evolved under sociocultural pressure.
1657 1657  
1658 -Accounts for both perceiver and societal context, and controls for publication bias.
1734 +**Limitations of the Study:**
1659 1659  
1660 -Limitations:
1736 +Fails to ask whether increasing diversity is consumer-driven or culturally imposed.
1661 1661  
1662 -Only examines Black and White racial dynamics—doesnt cover Hispanic, Asian, or multiracial groups.
1738 +Ignores the potential alienation or displacement of White cultural identity from mainstream advertising.
1663 1663  
1664 -72% of effect sizes are from student samples (not fully generalizable).
1740 +Assumes “diverse equals better without testing economic or emotional impact of those shifts.
1665 1665  
1666 -Social desirability bias may affect lab-based responses.
1742 +**Suggestions for Improvement:**
1667 1667  
1668 -Suggestions for Improvement:
1744 +Include non-White viewer reactions to all-White or traditional American imagery for balance.
1669 1669  
1670 -Include field experiments and more representative samples (age, class, ideology).
1746 +Test whether consumers notice racial proportions or experience fatigue from overcorrection.
1671 1671  
1672 -Examine how Black models are portrayed, not just if they are shown.
1673 -
1674 -Extend research to other racial groups and multiracial representations.
1748 +Explore regional or class-based variance among White viewers, not just aggregate averages.
1675 1675  {{/expandable}}
1676 1676  
1677 1677  {{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
1678 1678  
1679 -Provides empirical support for the dynamic shift in White American attitudes over time.
1753 +Demonstrates how White cultural imagery has been steadily replaced or downplayed in the public sphere.
1680 1680  
1681 -Directly informs discussions about media representation, consumer behavior, and racial identity.
1755 +Useful for showing how marketing professionals and researchers frame White displacement as “progress.
1682 1682  
1683 -Supports policy and commercial arguments for including more diverse models in advertising.
1757 +Empirically supports the decline of White in-group preference — possibly due to reeducation, guilt framing, or media saturation.
1684 1684  {{/expandable}}
1685 1685  
1686 1686  {{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
1687 1687  
1688 -Expand analysis to Latino, Asian, and multiracial models in media.
1762 +Study how overrepresentation of minorities in advertising compares to actual demographics.
1689 1689  
1690 -Study real-world (non-lab) consumer reactions to racial diversity in advertising.
1764 +Examine whether consumers feel represented or alienated by identity-based marketing.
1691 1691  
1692 -Investigate how economic anxiety influences racial preferences in other domains (e.g., hiring, education).
1766 +Investigate the psychological and cultural impact of long-term demographic displacement in national advertising.
1767 +{{/expandable}}
1693 1693  
1694 -Explore how virtual influencers or AI-generated models affect racial perceptions.
1769 +{{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
1770 +[[Download Full Study>>attach:10.2501_JAR-2022-028.pdf]]
1695 1695  {{/expandable}}
1772 +{{/expandable}}
1696 1696  
1774 +{{expandable summary="Study: Meta-Analysis on Mediated Contact and Prejudice"}}
1775 +**Source:** *Journal of Communication*
1776 +**Date of Publication:** *2020*
1777 +**Author(s):** *John A. Banas, Lauren L. Miller, David A. Braddock, Sun Kyong Lee*
1778 +**Title:** *"Meta-Analysis on Mediated Contact and Prejudice"*
1779 +**DOI:** [10.1093/joc/jqz032](https://doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqz032)
1780 +**Subject Matter:** *Media Psychology, Prejudice Reduction, Intergroup Relations*
1781 +
1782 +{{expandable summary="📊 Key Statistics"}}
1783 +1. **General Observations:**
1784 + - Aggregated **71 studies involving 27,000+ participants**.
1785 + - Focused on how **media portrayals of out-groups (primarily minorities)** affect attitudes among dominant in-groups (i.e., Whites).
1786 +
1787 +2. **Subgroup Analysis:**
1788 + - **Fictional entertainment** had stronger effects than news.
1789 + - **Positive portrayals of minorities** correlated with significant reductions in “prejudice”.
1790 +
1791 +3. **Other Significant Data Points:**
1792 + - Effects were stronger when minority characters were portrayed as **warm, competent, and morally relatable**.
1793 + - Contact was more effective when it mimicked **face-to-face friendship narratives**.
1794 +{{/expandable}}
1795 +
1796 +{{expandable summary="🔬 Findings"}}
1797 +1. **Primary Observations:**
1798 + - Media is a **powerful tool for shaping racial attitudes**, capable of reducing “prejudice” without real-world contact.
1799 + - **Repeated exposure** to positive portrayals of minorities led to increased acceptance and reduced negative bias.
1800 +
1801 +2. **Subgroup Trends:**
1802 + - **White participants** were the primary targets of reconditioning.
1803 + - Minority participants were not studied in terms of **prejudice against Whites**.
1804 +
1805 +3. **Specific Case Analysis:**
1806 + - “Parasocial” relationships with minority characters (TV/movie exposure) had comparable psychological effects to actual friendships.
1807 + - Media framing functioned as a **top-down mechanism for social engineering**, not just passive reflection of society.
1808 +{{/expandable}}
1809 +
1810 +{{expandable summary="📝 Critique & Observations"}}
1811 +1. **Strengths of the Study:**
1812 + - High-quality quantitative meta-analysis with clear design and robust statistical handling.
1813 + - Acknowledges **media’s ability to alter long-held social beliefs** without physical contact.
1814 +
1815 +2. **Limitations of the Study:**
1816 + - Only defines “prejudice” as **negative attitudes from Whites toward minorities** — no exploration of anti-White media narratives or bias.
1817 + - Ignores the effects of **overexposure to minority portrayals** on cultural alienation or backlash.
1818 + - Assumes **assimilation into DEI norms is inherently positive**, and any reluctance to accept them is “prejudice”.
1819 +
1820 +3. **Suggestions for Improvement:**
1821 + - Study reciprocal dynamics — how **minority media portrayals impact attitudes toward Whites**.
1822 + - Investigate whether constant valorization of minorities leads to **resentment, guilt, or political disengagement** among White viewers.
1823 + - Analyze **media saturation effects**, especially in multicultural propaganda and corporate DEI messaging.
1824 +{{/expandable}}
1825 +
1826 +{{expandable summary="📌 Relevance to Subproject"}}
1827 +- Provides **direct evidence** that media is being used to **reshape racial attitudes** through emotional, parasocial contact.
1828 +- Reinforces concern that **“tolerance” is engineered via asymmetric emotional exposure**, not organic consensus.
1829 +- Useful for documenting how **Whiteness is often treated as a bias to be corrected**, not a culture to be respected.
1830 +{{/expandable}}
1831 +
1832 +{{expandable summary="🔍 Suggestions for Further Exploration"}}
1833 +1. Investigate **reverse parasocial effects** — how negative portrayals of White men affect self-perception and mental health.
1834 +2. Study how **mass entertainment normalizes demographic shifts** and silences native concerns.
1835 +3. Compare effects of **Western vs. non-Western media systems** in promoting diversity narratives.
1836 +{{/expandable}}
1837 +
1697 1697  {{expandable summary="📄 Download Full Study"}}
1698 -[[Download Full Study>>attach:lenk-et-al-white-americans-preference-for-black-people-in-advertising-has-increased-in-the-past-66-years-a-meta-analysis.pdf]]
1839 +[[Download Full Study>>attach:Banas et al. - 2020 - Meta-Analysis on Mediated Contact and Prejudice.pdf]]
1699 1699  {{/expandable}}
1700 1700  {{/expandable}}
1842 +
lenk-et-al-white-americans-preference-for-black-people-in-advertising-has-increased-in-the-past-66-years-a-meta-analysis.pdf
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