Hate Crimes not charged as hate crimes

= Hate Crimes as a Weapon Against Whites =

== Overview ==

Hate crime laws were originally presented as protections for vulnerable communities. In practice, however, they have evolved into instruments of selective enforcement — applied disproportionately against Whites while ignoring or downplaying attacks committed against them.

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This page examines the origins of hate crime statutes, their unequal application, and the way media and government institutions use them as tools of narrative control.

== 1. Origins of Hate Crime Legislation ==

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The first modern hate crime statutes in the United States were introduced during the civil rights era of the 1960s and 1970s. These laws were promoted as a response to racial intimidation and targeted violence, particularly in the South.

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However, the legislative direction of hate crime laws was heavily shaped by advocacy groups such as the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC). These organizations lobbied to define “protected classes” in a way that elevated certain racial, religious, and sexual minorities while excluding Whites from meaningful legal protection.

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What began as legislation to defend equal rights gradually shifted into an ideological weapon — one that enshrined permanent asymmetry into law.

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== 2. Protected Classes and Legal Asymmetry ==

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The very structure of hate crime statutes is built on unequal foundations. The concept of a “protected class” assumes that some groups require enhanced protection, while others do not. In practice, this means that Whites, even when targeted explicitly for their race, often fall outside the scope of protection.

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Courts and prosecutors routinely interpret hate crime enhancements through this lens, granting minority victims immediate recognition while treating White victims as incidental. Case law demonstrates this disparity: similar crimes are escalated to hate crime status when minorities are targeted, but dismissed as “random violence” or “mental illness” when Whites are the victims.

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This exclusionary logic cements legal asymmetry as a permanent feature of the system.

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== 3. Disparities in Prosecution ==

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The selective design of hate crime law is most visible in how prosecutions are carried out. Studies and documented cases reveal a consistent pattern:

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Whites are more likely to be charged with hate crime enhancements for relatively minor incidents, including fights, comments, or social media posts.

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Non-Whites who commit racially targeted violence against Whites often avoid hate crime charges entirely, even when the motive is openly admitted.

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Sentencing is harsher when Whites are perpetrators and softer when Whites are victims.

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This prosecutorial bias ensures that the system operates not as a neutral application of justice, but as a tool of power projection.

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== 4. Anti-White Hate Crimes Ignored or Reframed ==

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Public awareness of racial violence is strongly shaped by what the media and legal institutions choose to emphasize. Anti-White hate crimes are often reframed as isolated incidents, stripped of their racial motive, or simply ignored. When the perpetrator is non-White, prosecutors and journalists alike tend to downplay ideology and instead focus on mental health, socioeconomic stress, or “lone wolf” narratives.

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Below is a selection of documented cases where clear anti-White motives were disregarded, reframed, or minimized. Each expandable section contains detailed descriptions, sources, and outcomes.

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== 4. Anti-White Hate Crimes Ignored or Reframed ==

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Examples of hate crimes against Whites where there would have been mass outrage and hate crime charges had the races been reversed

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{{expandable summary="2016 Dallas Police Shooting – Racial Motive Censored"}}

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On July 7, 2016, Micah Xavier Johnson fatally shot five Dallas police officers, injuring nine more. He explicitly told negotiators that he "wanted to kill white people, especially white officers: {{footnote}}Dallas Shooting Suspect Micah Xavier Johnson Had Rifles, Bombmaking Materials in His Home, Police Say. https://abcnews.go.com/US/dallas-shooting-suspect-wanted-kill-white-people-white/story?id=40431306{{/footnote}}

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Johnson was killed by a police-controlled explosive during the standoff. As such, ~*~*he was never arrested or charged~*~*. However, the racial motive was clear, and the case met all the elements of a federal hate crime — yet the DOJ made no public declaration, and the media aggressively avoided the racial framing.

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For example:

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- Media focused on Johnson’s military service, stress, and political frustration

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- Most outlets used passive voice and abstracted motives (“upset over police shootings”) rather than stating the racial targeting directly

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- Headlines ignored the racial component entirely

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- Wikipedia’s article has over 100 references — none mention race in the headline. You may think this is hyperbolic, but its not. {{footnote}}2016 Shooting of Dallas Police Officers https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2016_shooting_of_Dallas_police_officers{{/footnote}}

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[[image:1752852339655-827.png||data-xwiki-image-style="thumbnail-clickable" width="200"]]

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{{expandable summary="2017 Fresno Shootings – Hate Crime, Not Terrorism?"}}

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On April 18, 2017, Kori Ali Muhammad fatally shot three White men in Fresno, California, following an earlier killing of a White security guard. Muhammad told police that he intended to “kill as many White males as possible” and targeted his victims specifically because of their race.{{footnote}}2017 Fresno shootings. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2017_Fresno_shootings{{/footnote}}

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He also shouted "Allahu Akbar" upon arrest. Fresno Police Chief Jerry Dyer stated during a press conference that Muhammad explained he was upset at White people, whom he blamed for the oppression of Black people.{{footnote}}“He wanted to kill as many white males as possible.” The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2017/apr/19/fresno-shooting-hate-crime-kori-ali-muhammad{{/footnote}}

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Muhammad was ultimately charged with four murders and sentenced to life without parole. A single state-level hate crime charge was filed, but no federal charges were brought, and the event was not treated as terrorism by the FBI or DOJ.

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The Anti-Defamation League (ADL), which consistently labels right-wing or White-perpetrated attacks as acts of domestic terrorism, does not include the Fresno shooting in its 2017 extremism report.{{footnote}}Murder and Extremism in the United States 2017 – ADL. https://www.adl.org/resources/report/murder-and-extremism-united-states-2017{{/footnote}} The same report includes several cases involving White attackers with far less ideologically explicit motives.

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Fresno police made a point to declare that Muhammad was "not a terrorist" but rather a "racist filled with hate."{{footnote}}2017 Fresno shootings. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2017_Fresno_shootings{{/footnote}} This choice of framing illustrates how racial motive is treated differently depending on the racial identity of the victims and perpetrator.

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{{expandable summary="Frederick Demond Scott – Serial Murders of White Victims, No Hate Crime Charges"}}

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Between August 2016 and August 2017, Frederick Demond Scott, a Black male, murdered at least five White men in the Kansas City area, targeting victims who were walking alone on trails or in public parks. He was charged with six murders in total, five of which involved White male victims who appeared to have been chosen at random.

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According to statements in a 2017 Kansas City Star article, Scott had previously made threats in school, saying he “wanted to shoot up the school and kill all White people.”{{footnote}}Man charged in Indian Creek Trail killings threatened to ‘kill all white people,’ family said. Kansas City Star. https://www.kansascity.com/news/local/crime/article164815777.html{{/footnote}} Despite this known ideology and the pattern of exclusively White victims, **no hate crime charges were filed**.

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The FBI and DOJ were silent. The case was not designated a hate crime federally or publicly treated as racially motivated. Instead, the killings were attributed to mental illness, with the media heavily emphasizing Scott’s schizophrenia diagnosis.

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Notably, none of the articles by mainstream outlets described the killings as anti-White, nor did any major civil rights groups (e.g., ADL or SPLC) acknowledge the racial pattern. The ADL, which routinely includes White-on-nonwhite attacks in its annual “extremism” and “hate” reports, did not list Scott in its summaries of hate-related violence.{{footnote}}ADL Extremism Reports 2017–2018. https://www.adl.org/resources{{/footnote}}

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If a White suspect had murdered five unarmed Black men with a prior threat to “kill all Black people,” the response would have been treated as a national racial crisis and likely prosecuted as a federal hate crime. In Scott’s case, the racial motive was downplayed and legally disregarded.

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{{expandable summary="Justin Tyran Roberts – Multiple White Victims, No Hate Crime Charge"}}

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On June 11 and 12, 2021, Justin Tyran Roberts shot five individuals — all White men — across two cities in Georgia and Alabama. The shootings were unprovoked, and Roberts told police he was specifically targeting White men because he believed they had “taken from him” and “hurt him throughout his life.”{{footnote}}Man accused of shooting 5 people told police he targeted White men. WTVM. https://www.wtvm.com/2021/06/14/cpd-holds-news-conference-multiple-shootings/{{/footnote}}

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Columbus Police Detective Brandon Lockhart testified that Roberts said,

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> “White males had hurt him throughout his life.”{{footnote}}Man accused of randomly shooting five people in three states told police he was targeting white men. Daily Mail. https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-9690649/Man-accused-randomly-shooting-five-people-three-states-told-police-targeting-white-men.html{{/footnote}}

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Despite the confession and the racial pattern of the victims, Roberts was not charged with a hate crime at either the state or federal level. He was charged with aggravated assault, possession of a firearm, and attempted murder, but the racial motive was legally ignored.

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No public statements were issued by the DOJ, FBI, or state prosecutors regarding the racial nature of the attacks. None of the major civil rights or anti-hate groups (such as the ADL or SPLC) condemned the shootings or called for hate crime prosecution. As with other cases involving anti-White motives, the suspect's ideology was reinterpreted as the result of mental illness rather than racial extremism.

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If a White suspect had targeted five Black men over two days, confessed to racial intent, and left multiple victims hospitalized, the case would likely have triggered federal hate crime charges and national media attention. Roberts’ case faded quickly from coverage and was treated as a local incident without broader significance.

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{{expandable summary="Brandon Claiborne – Subway Stabbing with Racial Slurs, No Hate Crime Charge"}}

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On March 14, 2024, Brandon Claiborne, a 29-year-old Black male, attacked a 29-year-old White woman on a New York City subway train. The assault was unprovoked. Claiborne allegedly punched the woman in the face and then stabbed her multiple times in the head and face while she was seated on a northbound No. 4 train.

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Witnesses told police that Claiborne yelled:

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> “I’m so tired of White people. I hope she dies.”{{footnote}}Subway stabbing suspect ranted “I'm so tired of White people, I hope she dies”: police. New York Post. https://nypost.com/2024/03/15/news/nyc-subway-stabbing-suspect-ranted-im-tired-of-white-people-i-hope-she-dies-cops/{{/footnote}}

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The victim was hospitalized with severe injuries and underwent emergency treatment.

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Despite the explicit racial motive and hate-filled statements, Claiborne was not charged with a hate crime. He was charged with attempted murder, assault, criminal possession of a weapon, and menacing. Neither the New York Police Department nor the Manhattan District Attorney’s office pursued state-level hate crime enhancements, and no federal action was taken.

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No major civil rights organizations publicly condemned the attack, and no widespread media coverage followed after the initial arrest report. The event was treated as a local stabbing, despite meeting the legal and rhetorical standards of a racially motivated hate crime.

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As in many similar cases, the victim's race, the suspect's statement, and the severity of the attack were all insufficient to trigger hate crime designation — in sharp contrast to incidents where the roles are reversed.

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{{expandable summary="Devret Clarke – Murdered Neighbor, Author of 'Segregation Is Necessary,' No Hate Crime Charge"}}

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On December 30, 2022, 34-year-old father **Gars-Ara Kourjakian** was shot and killed in the underground parkade of his Scarborough apartment complex while removing his 5-year-old daughter's winter boots. The man arrested and charged with first-degree murder was his former neighbor, **Devret Clarke**, who had a documented history of hostile and erratic behavior toward residents.{{footnote}}Man charged in death of Scarborough father previously lived in same apartment building. CTV News. https://www.ctvnews.ca/toronto/article/man-charged-in-death-of-scarborough-father-previously-lived-in-same-apartment-building-1.6760914{{/footnote}}

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Witnesses reported that Clarke had an aggressive encounter with Kourjakian’s wife and daughter while they lived in the apartment above his, and that an argument had taken place between Clarke and Kourjakian following that incident. Other neighbors described Clarke as rude, hostile, and paranoid — one recalled being confronted by him for “talking about him” on the phone and described the encounter as threatening.

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Clarke is also the author of several self-published books promoting racial separation and anti-White ideology, including:

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- *Segregation Is Necessary*

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- *Segregation Is Necessary 2: Exposing the Enemy*

- *For the Haters*

- *Wake Up!*

These books, featured on his website and social platforms, include symbolism and themes rooted in Black separatism and militant rhetoric.{{footnote}}DevretClarke.ca – Archived promotional page featuring Clarke's books including “Segregation is Necessary.” Screenshots on file.{{/footnote}}

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Despite this ideological background, and the proximity of the murder to a prior personal conflict involving his victim’s family, **Clarke was not charged with a hate crime**, and no statements about motive have been made by police or prosecutors. There has been no coverage of his ideological writing in Canadian national press.

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If the roles were reversed — with a White author of pro-segregation books murdering a nonwhite neighbor with whom he'd previously clashed — the case would likely be elevated to a national hate crime investigation and featured in major media and NGO databases. Clarke’s case has been quietly handled as a routine local murder.

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{{expandable summary="Gregory Gibson – Gun Threat and Racial Remark, No Hate Crime Charge"}}

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On June 29, 2023, Gregory Gibson, a man from Texas, entered Valor Brewpub in Washington D.C. claiming to be an Uber Eats driver. When asked to provide confirmation of an order, he became aggressive and confrontational. The pub’s owner, **Gaynor Jablonski**, stood up to speak with him — while Jablonski’s **4-year-old son sat at the same table**.

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Surveillance footage captured what happened next. According to the victim, Gibson said:

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> *“Sit down, white boy. I’m going to end you.”*{{footnote}}Armed man who attacked DC pub owner in front of 4-year-old offered plea deal to victim's dismay. NBC Washington. https://www.nbcwashington.com/news/local/armed-man-who-attacked-dc-pub-owner-in-front-of-4-year-old-boy-offered-plea-deal-to-victims-dismay/3382018/{{/footnote}}

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Gibson then punched Jablonski and pulled a gun from his waistband, pointing it at him as the child looked on. A struggle followed, and a bystander was able to secure the weapon after it fell to the ground. Jablonski’s son climbed on top of him to protect him and attempted to scare the attacker away by roaring “like a dinosaur.” Gibson fled but was arrested moments later by D.C. police.

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Despite the use of **explicit racial language** during the threat and **the presence of a deadly weapon**, no hate crime charges were filed. Within days, the **U.S. Attorney’s Office offered a plea deal**, which Gibson accepted. He pleaded guilty to attempted assault and carrying a pistol without a license. He was released from custody **pending sentencing**, despite the objections of prosecutors.

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The phrase “white boy” in the context of a violent racial threat meets the **legal threshold for hate crime prosecution** under both federal and D.C. law. But in this case, as in many others, the racial motive was disregarded — both legally and narratively — because the victim was White.

== 5. Hate Crime Charges Against Whites for Minor Infractions ==

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While clear anti-White crimes are downplayed, Whites are frequently charged with hate crimes for comparatively minor incidents. Schoolyard fights, verbal insults, or even online speech have led to prosecutions, often under activist pressure.

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In many cases, these prosecutions clash directly with First Amendment protections — showing that “hate crime” status functions less as a neutral legal category and more as a tool for silencing and punishing Whites.

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== 6. Role of NGOs and Media in Narrative Control ==

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The unequal enforcement of hate crime law does not occur in a vacuum. NGOs such as the SPLC and ADL have outsized influence on prosecutors, journalists, and policymakers. These groups maintain databases of alleged “hate incidents,” lobby for expanded definitions, and provide talking points that filter directly into media coverage.

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Mainstream outlets and tech platforms align with this framing. Attacks on minorities are elevated as national crises, while attacks on Whites are dismissed or erased. In practice, NGOs and media serve as gatekeepers, ensuring that the narrative around hate crimes reinforces the ideology of White guilt and minority victimhood.

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== 7. FBI and DOJ Data Gaps ==

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Official hate crime statistics are riddled with omissions. Anti-White incidents are frequently misclassified into vague categories such as “Other” or “Unknown bias.” Some states fail to report anti-White attacks at all, while others record them inconsistently.

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The FBI and DOJ often omit clear anti-White cases from their annual summaries, even when suspects openly admit racial motives. This creates the false impression that anti-White hate crimes are rare, when in reality they are systematically undercounted.

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== 8. Charts and Statistics ==

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Statistical comparisons further illustrate the disparity in hate crime prosecution. Whites are far more likely to be charged and sentenced harshly, while comparable incidents against them are downplayed.

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{{expandable summary="Racial Disparities in Hate Crime Prosecution"}}

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(% id="hatecrimes-stats" %)

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| White | 83% | 4.2 yrs | National |

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| Black | 19% | 2.1 yrs | Local/None |

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| Hispanic | 22% | 2.4 yrs | Variable |

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| Asian | 27% | 2.9 yrs | Often national |

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{{chart type="bar3D" source="xdom" table="table:hatecrimes-stats" legendVisible="true" plotBorderVisible="false" backgroundColor="FFFFFF" plotBackgroundColor="F9F9F9" borderColor="FFFFFF" colors="003366,336699,6699CC,99CCFF"/}}

== 9. Conclusions ==

Hate crime laws are not applied equally. Instead of ensuring fairness, they have become tools of selective enforcement, narrative manipulation, and anti-White political power.

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This page will continue to expand with new examples, legal citations, and statistical data to document the extent of this asymmetry.

== Related Pages ==

[[Media Framing of White Victims>>path:/bin/view/Main%20Categories/Media/Media%20Framing%20of%20White%20Victims/]]

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[[Legal Disparities in Race-Based Prosecution>>path:/bin/view/Main%20Categories/Law/Legal%20Disparities%20in%20Race-Based%20Prosecution/]]